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136 INTERVIEW WITH STUART HALL

            in his model. Why? Because there is no way of conceptualizing the balance
            of  power  between   different  regimes  of  truth  without  society
            conceptualized, not as a unity, but as a ‘formation’. If Foucault is to prevent
            the  regime  of  truth  from  collapsing  into  a  synonym  for  the  dominant
            ideology, he has to recognize that there are different regimes of truth in the
            social  formation.  And  these  are  not  simply  ‘plural’—they  define  an
            ideological  field  of  force.  There  are  subordinated  regimes  of  truth  which
            make sense, which have some plausibility, for subordinated subjects, while
            not being part of the dominant episteme. In other words, as soon as you
            begin to look at a discursive formation, not just as a single discipline but as
            a formation, you have to talk about the relations of power which structure
            the  inter-discursivity,  or  the  inter-textuality,  of  the  field  of  knowledge.  I
            don’t much care whether you call it ideology or not. What matters is not
            the  terminology  but  the  conceptualization.  The  question  of  the  relative
            power and distribution of different regimes of truth in the social formation
            at any one time—which have certain effects for the maintenance of power
            in  the  social  order—that  is  what  I  call  ‘the  ideological  effect’.  So  I  go  on
            using the term ‘ideology’ because it forces me to continue thinking about
            that problem. By abandoning the term, I think that Foucault has let himself
            off the hook of having to re-theorize it in a more radical way: he saves for
            himself ‘the political’ with his insistence on power, but he denies himself a
            politics because he has no idea of the ‘relations of force’.
              Let’s take Baudrillard’s argument about representation and the implosion
            of meaning. This seems to rest upon an assumption of the sheer facticity of
            things:  things  are  just  what  is  seen  on  the  surface.  They  don’t  mean  or
            signify anything. They cannot be ‘read’. We are beyond reading, language,
            meaning.  Again  I  agree  with  Baudrillard’s  attempt  to  contest  the  old
            manifest/latent type of hermeneutic analyses; this stands in his work as the
            base/superstructure does in Foucault’s—that which has to be contested and
            displaced.  Above-  and  under-ground  is  not  a  very  useful  way  of  thinking
            about appearance in relation to structural forces. Perhaps I ought to admit
            that  some  of  the  tendencies  in  cultural  studies  did  go  that  way:
            phenomenal  form/real  relation,  despite  all  our  qualifications,  did  suggest
            that the surface of things was only important in so far as you penetrated it
            to the underlying rules and codes. So Baudrillard is quite right in returning
            us  to  what  there  is,  the  facticity  of  life,  the  surface,  the  spectacle,  etc.
            Politically, in England, this has come to connote a certain kind of ‘realism’
            on the left which argues that you can’t always go behind what the masses
            manifestly think to what they really think: you also have to recognize the
            validity of how they do make sense of the world. But I think Baudrillard’s
            position  has  become  a  kind  of  super-realism,  taken  to  the  nth  degree.  It
            says  that,  in  the  process  of  recognizing  the  real,  there  is  nothing  except
            what  is  immediately  there  on  the  surface.  Of  course,  in  so-called
            postmodern society, we feel overwhelmed by the diversity, the plurality, of
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