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ON POSTMODERNISM AND ARTICULATION 141

            constituted  as  high  art  without  recognizing,  in  the  existing  distribution
            of  educational  practices,  its  relative  divorce  from  the  masses’  experience.
            Nothing can become popular which does not negotiate the experiences, the
            codes, etc., of the popular masses…
              For something to become popular entails a struggle; it is never a simple
            process, as Gramsci reminded us. It doesn’t just happen. And that means
            there  must  be  always  some  distance  between  the  immediate  practical
            consciousness or common sense of ordinary people, and what it is possible
            for them to become. I don’t think that history is finished and the assertion
            that it is, which lies at the heart of postmodernism, betrays the inexcusable
            ethnocentrism—the  Eurocentrism—of  its  high  priests.  It  is  their  cultural
            dominance, in the West, across the globe, which is historically at an end.
            The masses are like an irritant, a point that you have to pass through. And
            I think that postmodernism has yet to go through that point; it has yet to
            actually  think  through  and  engage  the  question  of  the  masses.  I  think
            Baudrillard needs to join the masses for a while, to be silent for two-thirds
            of a century, just to see what it feels like. So, it is precisely at the site of the
            question  of  the  political  possibilities  of  the  masses  that  my  political
            objections to, and contestations with, postmodernism come through most
            sharply.
              Question: Some postmodern theorists are concerned with what they call
            ‘articulation’, for example, Deleuze and Guattari emphasize the articulation
            of  desiring  production.  Could  you  describe  your  own  theory  of  the
            articulation of ideology and ideological struggle?
              SH: I always use the word ‘articulation’, though I don’t know whether
            the meaning I attribute to it is perfectly understood. In England, the term
            has  a  nice  double  meaning  because  ‘articulate’  means  to  utter,  to  speak
            forth, to be articulate. It carries that sense of language-ing, of expressing,
            etc.  But  we  also  speak  of  an  ‘articulated’  lorry  (truck):  a  lorry  where  the
            front (cab) and back (trailer) can, but need not necessarily, be connected to
            one  another  The  two  parts  are  connected  to  each  other,  but  through  a
            specific linkage, that can be broken. An articulation is thus the form of the
            connection that can make a unity of two different elements, under certain
            conditions. It is a linkage which is not necessary, determined, absolute and
            essential  for  all  time.  You  have  to  ask,  under  what  circumstances  can  a
            connection  be  forged  or  made?  So  the  so-called  ‘unity’  of  a  discourse  is
            really  the  articulation  of  different,  distinct  elements  which  can  be
            rearticulated  in  different  ways  because  they  have  no  necessary
            ‘belongingness’.  The  ‘unity’  which  matters  is  a  linkage  between  that
            articulated discourse and the social forces with which it can, under certain
            historical  conditions,  but  need  not  necessarily,  be  connected.  Thus,  a
            theory  of  articulation  is  both  a  way  of  understanding  how  ideological
            elements  come,  under  certain  conditions,  to  cohere  together  within  a
            discourse, and a way of asking how they do or do not become articulated,
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