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18 DAVID MORLEY AND KUAN-HSING CHEN

            that  ‘black’  is  a‘politically  and  culturally  constructed  category,  which
            cannot be grounded in a set of fixed, trans-cultural or transcendental racial
            categories, and which therefore has no guarantees in Nature’ (1988:28)—
            just  as,  from  a  non-essentialist  perspective,  socialist  politics  can  find  no
            ‘guarantee’ in the economic sphere. It is for these very reasons, Hall argues
            in  ‘Old  and  new  identities’  (1991b),  that  what  he  calls  ‘Identity  Politics
            One’—the invocation of homogenized racial, ethnic or cultural categories as
            (idealized)  ‘natural  communities’—had  to  be  abandoned  as  inadequate.
            And  yet,  even  then,  as  indicated  earlier,  Hall  is  aware  of  the  tensions
            (historical and intellectual) inevitably in play, in this context: as he notes in
            ‘What is this “black” in black popular culture?’ (chapter 23), ‘historically,
            nothing  could  have  been  done  to  intervene  in  the  dominated  field  of
            mainstream  popular  culture,  to  try  to  win  some  space  there,  without  the
            strategies  through  which  those  dimensions  were  condensed  into  the
            signifier “black”…’ (page 471). As he then asks, not entirely rhetorically:
            ‘where  would  we  be,  as  bell  hooks  once  remarked,  without  a  touch  of
            essentialism…or  what  Gayatri  Spivak  calls  “strategic  essentialism”,  a
            necessary moment?’ (page 472)—even if the question is now, as Hall avers,
            ‘whether we are any longer in that moment, whether it is still a sufficient
            basis for the strategies of new interventions’ (page 472).
              In ‘Cultural studies and the politics of internationalization’ (chapter 19),
            Hall also returns to the question of class, and how that question appears
            now, after the impact of feminism, psychoanalysis, anti-racism and identity
            politics.  Hall  notes  that,  in  relation  to  the  previous,  essentialist  marxist
            tendency to treat class as the ‘master category’ of social analysis, in recent
            years  the  question  of  class  has  largely  fallen  off  the  agenda  of  cultural
            studies. As he points out, it is not only that some address to the question of
            class (even if in a more de-centred way) remains absolutely necessary, if we
            are  to  understand  the  development  of  the  contemporary  global  economy
            and  how  that  affects  all  our  lives.  Further,  as  he  goes  on  to  note,  the
            politics  of  experience  and  of  subjectivity  and  the  focus  on  questions  of
            personal  identity  (even  if  all  of  those  developments  have  many  positive
            aspects) can also have, unless one is extremely careful, what he describes as
            a regressive, socially ‘narrowing’ effect. As he puts it,
              In  the  early  stages,  perhaps  we  spoke  too  much  about  the  working
              class,  about  subcultures.  Now  nobody  talks  about  that  at  all.  They
              talk about myself, my mother, my father, my friends, and that is, of
              course, a very selective experience, especially in relation to classes….
                                                                      (402)


            To be sure, Hall’s invocation of a possible ‘return of the question of class’
            is made with reference to a ‘return’ in which the question itself would be
            quite  ‘decentred’  and  transformed—but  it  is  nonetheless  characteristic  of
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