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STUART HALL AND THE MARXIST CONCEPT OF IDEOLOGY 49

              The  popular-democratic  interpellation  not  only  has  no  precise
              content,  but  it  is  the  domain  of  ideological  class  struggle  par
              excellence.  Every  class  struggles  at  the  ideological  level
              simultaneously  as  class  and  as  the  people,  or  rather,  tries  to  give
              coherence to its ideological discourse by presenting its class objectives
              as the consummation of popular objectives.
                                                        (Laclau, 1977:108–9)

            Whereas  Laclau  never  attempts  to  ascertain  Marx’s  concept  of  ideology
            and the starting-point of his own construction is a critique and elaboration
            of Althusser, Hall is explicitly aware of Marx’s contribution and seeks to
            assess  it  (1983).  The  first  problem  he  confronts  is  the  nature  of  the
            ‘distortion’ it apparently entails. But even before he addresses that problem
            he has already established his own definition (quoted above) which totally
            leaves out the idea of distortion. This does not present a problem for Hall
            because (a) there is no fully developed theory of ideology in Marx; (b) there
            are severe fluctuations in Marx’s use of the term; (c) we now use the term
            ‘to refer to all organized forms of social thinking’; and (d) ‘Marx did, on
            many occasions, use the term ideology, practically, in this way’ (Hall, 1983:
            60).  However,  to  his  credit,  Hall  recognizes  that  most  of  the  time  Marx
            used  the  term  as  a  critical  weapon  against  other  religious,  philosophical
            and economic theories and acknowledges ‘the fact…that Marx most often
            used  “ideology”  to  refer  specifically  to  the  manifestations  of  bourgeois
            thought;  and  above  all  to  its  negative  and  distorted  features’  (1983:61).
            Having  said  this,  Hall  critically  examines  the  theoretical  bases  of  the
            classical version: (a) ideas arise from and reflect the material conditions; (b)
            ideas are effects of the economic level; and (c) ruling ideas are the ideas of
            the  ruling  class.  In  spite  of  showing  the  insufficiency  and  problematic
            nature of these propositions Hall proposes to be constructive, especially in
            relation to the issue of distortion, and discovers, for instance that the way
            in which Marx deals with the question of truth and falsehood in relation to
            classical political economy is far more complex than the critics would have
            us believe. Distortion in this context would amount to eternalization and
            naturalization of social relations. Equally, Marx’s analysis of the operation
            of  the  market  and  its  deceptive  appearances  provides  another  source  of
            sophisticated  insights  into  the  problem  of  distortion,  this  time  as  ‘one-
            sidedness’, ‘obscuring’ or ‘concealment’ (Hall, 1983:67–73).
              Ultimately Hall’s effort to interpret Marx’s notion of distortion aims at
            bypassing  the  distinction  true-false,  that  is  to  say,  at  excluding  from  the
            definition of distortion the connotation of falsehood in the sense of illusion
            or  unreality.  In  the  second  place,  he  aims  to  show  that  the  ‘economic
            relations themselves cannot prescribe a single, fixed and unalterable way of
            conceptualizing’  reality,  but  that  reality  ‘can  be  “expressed”  within
            different  ideological  discourses’  (Hall,  1983:76).  With  both  of  these
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