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74 COLIN SPARKS

            of  the  relationship  between  economic  and  social  relations  and  cultural
            relations  but  that  they  had  been  unable  to  resolve  the  problems  involved
            satisfactorily.
              The second, and now perhaps most surprising, charge was that marxist
            writers  tended  to  use  terms  like  ‘art’  and  ‘culture’  in  the  narrow  and
            restrictive sense:
              In  all  these  points  there  would  seem  to  be  a  general  inadequacy,
              among  Marxists,  in  the  use  of  ‘culture’  as  a  term.  It  normally
              indicates, in their writings, the intellectual and imaginative products
              of a society; this corresponds with the weak use of ‘superstructure’.
              But it would seem that from their emphasis on the interdependence of
              all  elements  of  social  reality,  and  from  their  analytic  emphasis  on
              movement and change, Marxists should logically use ‘culture’ in the
              sense of a whole way of life, a general social process.
                                                        (Williams, 1963:273)


            The latter of these formulations, of course, is the one for which the book as
            a  whole  was  to  become  famous.  Marxists  made  the  same  error  as  the
            devotees  of  the  ‘Great  Tradition’:  they,  too,  reified  a  narrow  concept  of
            culture  and  constructed  their  own  selective  tradition  of  the  best  that  has
            been  thought  and  said.  Once  again,  the  criticism  is  not  that  the  marxists
            were wholly mistaken. If they were to pursue their own logic consistently,
            they  would  come  to  the  same  conclusions  as  Williams  and  develop  an
            anthropological theory of culture.
              Taken  together,  these  two  criticisms  seem  to  relate  to  some  of  the
            fundamental  concerns  which  were  later  to  become  ‘cultural  studies’.  It  is
            not, however, clear that they constitute an approach radically different to
            marxism.  Culture  and  Society  and  marxism  address  a  common  set  of
            problems. Both lay a heavy stress on social class as the defining element of
            cultural experience. When Williams argued that the ‘crucial distinction …
            between  alternative  ideas  of  the  nature  of  social  relationships’  was  the
            discriminating  factor  in  class-based  cultures  he  was  very  close  to  an
            orthodox  marxist  affirmation  of  the  centrality  of  class  consciousness
            (Williams,  1963:312).  In  his  assertion  that  political  and  trade  union
            organizations  formed  the  central  cultural  achievements  of  the  British
            working class, Williams is again very close to the concerns of the marxists
            (Williams,  1958:314).  The  major  difference  between  the  dominant
            determinist form of marxism of the 1950s and Williams’ own position at
            that time lies in the stress he placed upon the active and conscious sense-
            making  process  in  culture.  This  he  developed  most  fully  in  The  Long
            Revolution (Williams, 1961:3–71).
              The  third  of  the  Founding  Fathers,  Edward  Thompson,  was  by  far  the
            most  explicitly  marxist.  Not  only  had  he  been  a  long-term  member  of
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