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76 COLIN SPARKS

            creative  aspects  of  human  activity  lead  him  to  put  forward  a  distinctive
            position on the political practice of the intellectual:
              The intellectual must work within a narrow ridge between academic
              hubris  on  the  one  hand;  and  on  the  other  hand  false  humility,  the
              abasement  of  the  intellect  before  working-class  experience,  which
              compromises  not  only  our  own  intellectual  integrity,  but  also  our
              own ideas.
                                                       (Thompson, 1957:35)

            While  Thompson  may  well  have  intended  his  intervention  as  a  tactical
            response  intended  to  prevent  talented  young  people  pursuing  the  ruinous
            course  of  joining  the  Socialist  Labour  League,  his  formulations  had,  in
            practice,  a  strategic  impact.  The  attempt  to  fulfil  the  difficult  task  of
            working  ‘a  narrow  ridge’  of  a  political  practice  which  was  neither
            ‘workerist’ nor ‘elitist’ became one of the recurrent preoccupations of first
            the New Left and then of cultural studies.
              Another  direct  consequence  of  the  stress  upon  human  activity  as  the
            engine of social change was that the ideas and beliefs which human beings
            hold about the world became much more central to socialist politics. If the
            theoretical  crime  of  stalinism  was  that  it:  ‘forgets  the  creative  sparks
            without which man would not be man’ (1957:125), then the new vision of
            socialism  must  be  one  in  which  creativity  was  both  the  goal  of
            emancipation and a major site of struggle itself:


              These  ‘cultural’  questions  are  not  only  questions  of  value;  they  are
              also,  in  the  strictest  sense,  questions  of  political  power.  As  even  the
              giants of publishing vanish from the scene, as Hultons and Nearnes
              give  way  to  Odhams,  it  becomes  ever  more  clear  that  the  fight  to
              control and breakup the mass media, and to preserve and extend the
              minority media, is as central in political significance as, for example,
              the fight against the Taxes on Knowledge in the 1830’s; it is the latest
              phase of the long contest for democratic rights—a struggle not only
              for  the  right  of  the  minority  to  be  heard,  but  for  the  right  of  the
              majority  not  to  be  subject  to  massive  influences  of  misinformation
              and human depreciation.
                                                   (Thompson, 1959b:11–12)

            The stress upon culture and the mass media was not in itself a radically new
            departure either for marxism generally or for its stalinist deformation, but
            in most versions of the tradition the emphasis of the political programme
            lay  in  the  class  struggle  understood  as  centrally  located  in  workplaces.
            Thompson  theorized  a  position,  which  was  to  become  central  to  cultural
            studies, in which cultural questions were regarded as at least as important
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