Page 94 - The Handbook of Persuasion and Social Marketing
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Persuasion in the Political Context                                 87

               candidates’ personal qualities are highlighted by the media and parties are
               ignored, voters who are more highly exposed to the media become in-
               creasingly likely to base their votes on candidate evaluations.
                  The research conducted by Druckman (2004) concerning media issue
               and image priming was based on the 2000 campaign for the U.S. Senate in
               Minnesota. The content analysis of local newspapers allowed Druckman
               to define the major subjects of the campaign, which focused on Social
               Security  and health  care issues  and the integrity  of the  candidates.
               Druckman also used data from the Election Day exit poll for his analysis
               and looked at differences between voters who paid attention to and dis-
               cussed the campaign (“campaign voters”) and those who did not (“non-
               campaign voters”). The results  of these analyses  showed that the
               noncampaign voters did not rely on the issues of Social Security and integ-
               rity; rather, they based their votes on taxes and leadership effectiveness—
               an issue and an image that were not particularly emphasized in the
               campaign. In contrast, campaign voters focused mainly on the central is-
               sue and image in the campaign. Thus, campaign priming effects mani-
               fested themselves only among voters who paid attention to and discussed
               the campaign.
                  Second, candidates can employ an indirect priming strategy by invok-
               ing visual cues that enhance the persuasive power of their images. National
               symbols are central to any nation-state. They provide an outward repre-
               sentation for a collective, its history, and its achievements. National sym-
               bols acquire their symbolic meaning through various means, including
               their metaphorical qualities and the ways in which they are embedded in
               various cultural practices (e.g., education). The theory of symbolic politics
               holds that people acquire stable, affective responses to particular symbols
               through a process of classical conditioning, which manifests itself most
               intensely relatively early in life (Sears, 1993). The political symbol is any
               affectively charged element in a political attitude object, such as a national
               flag or anthem, a political party logo, or the Nazi swastika. These learned
               dispositions may or may not persist throughout adult life, but the strong-
               est—the so-called symbolic predispositions, such as party identification,
               political  ideology,  and racial  prejudice—do.  Any  given attitude object
               (e.g., a particular presidential candidate) is composed of one or more sym-
               bolic elements, and each conveys some meaning to the individual.
               Attitudes toward the object as a whole reflect some combination of the
               affects previously conditioned by the specific symbols included in it.
               When the symbols become salient later on, they evoke consistent evalua-
               tions through a process of transfer of affect. As a result, the symbolic poli-
               tics process is characterized by generally automatic, unthinking, reflexive,
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