Page 162 - The Making of the German Post-war Economy
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1948 – ASPIRATION AND APPREHENSION         135

           became occasionally visible  in the harassment  of shopkeepers and
           merchants; protests on occasion turned into riots in various cities.
             The people blamed mainly Ludwig Erhard for this misery and economic
           inequality. Eventually, to him as former Chairman of the Special Bureau
           for Money and Credit and Director of the Administration for Economics
           in the Bizonal Economic Council, were assigned both the task to prepare
           the currency reform (though the scheme was actually devised by the
           Western Allies, and German involvement was restricted to the subordinate
           task of drafting the laws and regulations) and that of cancelling existing
           economic controls. The  Wirtschaftsdiktator (economic dictator) as Erhard
           was then  often named became one of the  most unpopular  politicians,
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           and his economic programme of a Social  Market  Economy seemed to
           have failed. Multiple protest rallies of thousands of unionised workers and
           civil servants took place and various unions led by the Chairman of the
           Federation of German Trade Unions, Hans Böckler, criticised in particular
           the pricing policy and the pay freeze.  The majority of the public
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           (between 81 and 94 per cent depending on the merchandise in question)
           considered prices far too high, and consequently 70 per cent favoured a
           return to price control.  Thus, Erhard was vehemently criticised for his
                              53
           timing of economic liberalisation within the CDU/CSU  and even within
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           his circle of (political) friends as he remarked at a later stage: ‘It was worse
           that even good friends should have gone so wrong as to think that my
           economic policy would land Germany in disaster.’
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             After increasing explicit criticism on the part of  the political left and
           right,  various organisations, such as the Deutscher Rentnerbund (Union of
               56
           Retired Persons), the Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft selbständiger Ingenieure (Economic
           Community   of  Self-Employed  Engineers),  the  Verband  der
           Versicherungsunternehmen (Association of Insurance Companies) or the
           Reichsbund der Körperbeschädigten, Sozialrentner und Hinterbliebenen (Federation
           of the Maimed, Retired and Bereaved), numerous municipal councils and
           mayors,  but also individuals  who considered the introduction  of a
                 57
           market economy at that stage most antisocial,  the CDU/CSU ran indeed
                                               58
           the risk  of losing votes at large in the upcoming local elections taking
                                                         59
           place in seven out of thirteen Länder in late autumn 1948.  Increasingly,
           the SPD, which had already  unsuccessfully submitted a motion of no
           confidence against the Director of the Administration for Economics on
           17 August 1948, seemed to be right after all and Schumacher was
                                                          60
           perceived  as the most competent politician at that time.  Despite  the
           public’s criticism  of Erhard’s economic policy and the prevalent
           unpopularity  of the Economic  Council,  considered to  be  unable to
                                            61
           correct the disparity between wages and price level,  against expectations,
                                                   62
           the majority of the Germans  (65 per cent) did  not intend to alter their
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