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                   76                THE ISA HANDBOOK IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY


                     The discomfort is common to sociologists  exchange, the market being the most obvious
                   from the global North and the global South,  one in modern society. Along the same lines,
                   in both wealthy and poor countries. The gen-  we became used to thinking of structures of
                   eral terms of the new sociological puzzles are  solidarity as derived from common interests,
                   the same everywhere.  Yet, there are also  be these material or ideal ones. In this
                   obvious differences among them, pointing to  tradition of sociological analysis, we learned
                   the conclusion that no matter how global the  to think of society as clusters of material
                   world is, nor how fluid modernity is, nation-  and ideal interests that count on authority
                   states still matter, still confer meaning to the  and market mechanisms to organize
                   way problems and their solutions are con-  themselves and to attain distinctive goals
                   ceived in both hemispheres (Axtmann, 2004;  (Bendix, 1964).
                   Reis, 2004). In other words, the way people  As Weber (1978, II: 927) put it, a market
                   perceive the changes in course are deeply  situation is not a community, but it is a pos-
                   influenced by their historical experiences, by  sible basis for community action. Even
                   what they once trusted to be their society and  taking into account structural antagonisms,
                   its prospects. Yet, to the extent that we all  solidarity can emerge to the extent that labor
                   have to take into account our respective con-  and capital, buyers and sellers, producers and
                   texts, this condition makes us fellow cosmo-  consumers share a common interest in the
                   politan explorers, observers bound to one  smooth operation of exchange. Interests not
                   another, and perhaps comparativists.    only generate competition, but also interde-
                     The conceptual change I want to address is  pendence. In the same sense, legitimate
                   certainly not directly relevant to some  authority binds together the ruler and the ruled,
                   branches of sociology.  Yet, it is general  lords and peasants, government and citizens.
                   enough to affect several subfields of the dis-  In short, as outlined above, state and
                   cipline. I want to call attention to the changed  market resources were thought to constitute
                   theoretical status of social solidarity that  the basic instruments that contemporary
                   implicitly or explicitly has taken place in  society counts on to organize itself.  They
                   both lay and sociological discourses. Until  were thought of as the instruments that pro-
                   recently, we used to think of authority and  vide social order, albeit an order that entails
                   interest mechanisms as ways of organizing  oppression and exploitation, as strongly
                   society and ensuring solidarity. In recent  stressed in the Marxist tradition. Taking soci-
                   times though, solidarity or society itself is  ety as a substantive ground, this perspective
                   increasingly taken as one more instance,  views the repertoire of means available to
                   another logical dimension, and an analytical  governments, on the one hand, and firms on
                   component equivalent to state authority and  the other, as instrumental mechanisms to be
                   market interests. Whose Keeper?, the sugges-  used to organize solidarity, to enforce order,
                   tive title of the book by Wolfe (1989) sum-  and to advance interests. In this perspective,
                   marized well the growing feeling that   the national state appears as a successful
                   authority and market interests are not suffi-  historical amalgamation of authority and sol-
                   cient resources to solve problems of societal  idarity.  Thanks to a cultural process that
                   organization.                           led to a sort of naturalization of the nation-
                     With the classics of historical sociology,  state, society became equivalent to nation,
                   we had learned that contemporary society  and nation the source of state legitimacy
                   relied mainly on two basic instruments to  (Reis, 1998a).
                   organize itself: authority resources and inter-  In other words, the formation and consoli-
                   est-based exchange mechanisms. In other  dation of the nation-state entailed a peculiar
                   words, we became used to thinking of society  fusion: obedience to the state authority on the
                   as organized into structures of authority,  one hand, and spontaneous compliance with
                   chief among them the state, and structures of  it on the other, the latter derived from the
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