Page 125 - The ISA Handbook in Contemporary Sociology

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96 THE ISA HANDBOOK IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY

These forms are an attempt to incorporate than as an investment, more as an
beneficiaries of scientific and technological ‘ideological luxury’ than as a program asso-
research in the plethora of decisions involved ciated with a socio-economic development
in scientific work, from decisions on what to plan (Vessuri, 1984: 14).
research to judgments on how to apply results In practice, scientific activity was managed
for the benefit of society as a whole. They are autonomously, on the assumption, in line
a response to the globalization of science, and with the linear model of scientific develop-
constitute interesting alternatives to the ‘reifi- ment, that applications are an automatic and
cation’ of scientific research. They constitute inexorable sub-product. The role assumed by
a ‘third’ way which puts emphasis on social CONICIT was that of a supplier of resources
responsibility. I am calling them ‘Mode 3,’ as for science, for those scientists who carried
opposed to Mode 1 and Mode 2. out their work according to this conception.
Thus, the contract between science and soci-
ety was limited to a ‘sponsorship’ by society
of mode 1 type of research, which was not
Venezuela’s ‘Research Agendas’
appropriate for the local needs (González
For the past forty years, Venezuela has et al., 1992: 359).
attempted to put into practice some form of With that perspective, the possible social
scientific policy through its guiding body, use of knowledge was not considered an issue
the National Council for Scientific and of concern for scientists. Thus, scientific
Technological Research (‘Consejo Nacional research in Venezuela was an activity carried
de Investigaciones Científicas y Tecnológicas, out by researchers, following their own
CONICIT’), now called the National Fund for objectives, even in the case of ‘applied’
Science, Technology and Innovation (‘Fondo research (Vessuri, 1992: 31).
Nacional de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación, In consequence, ‘peer review’ was crucial
FONACIT’). to decide what it is that is allowed, and what
Like other countries in Latin America, is not. Moreover, peer review was the basic
through the creation of the CONICIT, method of evaluation, of recognition, and
Venezuela sought to be able to rely on a compensation for notable performance and
steering organ for science and technology the generation of results, all of it almost
which would be responsible for the growth of exclusively evidenced by scientific publica-
the country’s scientific and technological tions (González et al., 1996: 89; Escalante
apparatus according to a policy that privi- and Jiménez, 1998: 68; Escalante and
leges development (Jiménez and Escalante, Jiménez, 2003: 338). Peer review thus
1995: 89). Despite a periodic formulation of becomes a sort of ‘accountability among col-
national science and technology plans, drawn leagues’ that does not leave room for the
up by four different governments, that estab- participation of external judges or the opin-
lished priorities with respect to the type of ion of ‘non-peers,’ that is, people who
science the country required, the conduct of could contribute with a social evaluation of
science has been in the hands of the scientific what should be done (Ávalos and Rengifo,
community, which has long enjoyed full 2003: 186).
permanent ownership of policy (Vessuri,
1992: 29). Research Agendas In 1996, in contrast with
Attempts have been made to associate the the framework presented, CONICIT, subse-
growth of the scientific infrastructure with quently continued by FONACIT, began the
the production of social benefits, according program ‘Research Agendas’ (Ávalos and
to what is commonly known as the ‘linear Rengifo, 2003), as a new approximation to
innovation model.’The allocation of resources, the formulation of techno-scientific policy in
however, was perceived more as an expense Venezuela. The program was designed as