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SOCIAL DIFFERENCE IN SPORT 163

sport are grounded in real situations polarized not mean that one must be unaware of the
by elements such as: contests versus acts of segregation that occurs in sports, nor of the
cooperation; important levels of rationalization inequalities of access and the persistence of
(physical movement, training, economy, etc.) social, sexist and racial stereotypes. Sport’s
versus the uncertainty of results (a favourite apolitical ethic, its notions of the rapproche-
can lose); a model of equality that seeks to be ment of peoples and of neutrality have been a
exemplary versus injustice (fraud, doping, longstanding smokescreen: systems of social
etc.). A sociology of entertainment shows us segregation, particularly by race, class and
that even if images and commentaries are gender, have only allowed cooperation across
often stereotypical, spectators are not passive highly selective social networks. Cooperation
consumers of the media; rather, they extract mainly occurs within these groups. Segregation
meaning on the basis of their own social is amplified by media narratives which essen-
experience (Rowe, 1999). tialize differences. The sporting models broad-
cast through the advertising and marketing of
sports brands generally promote a highly tra-
ditional vision of gender and ‘race’, and
OVERCOMING THE OPPOSITION mobilize athletes in the defence of their com-
BETWEEN COOPERATION AND mercial interests. The values of equality, jus-
COMPETITION tice and cooperation are a fiction in which we
can observe how ethics and justice are instru-
The staging of competition tends to intensify mentalized in support of the financial inter-
rivalries and downplay the fact that many ests of brands and sports organizations
different forms of cooperation can be observed (Jackson and Andrews, 2005).
in the variety of both competitive trials and the One need only watch competitive sport in
relationships among competitors. If we have order to conclude that it seems normal that
concentrated on the question of competition, men and women do not work together in the
it is because of its importance – both objec- production of a performance. Of course, we
tive and symbolic – and because so much may sometimes accept that male trainers can
of the research in the field of the sociology of oversee female teams, but the opposite is
sport is concerned with it. It is difficult to extremely rare. In any case, on the playing
dissociate the analysis of the concept of field mixed events are very few and far
cooperation in sports from competitions between. Nor should one resort to clichés
which are often thought of as pretexts for about childhood as a period of innocence
cooperation and the ritualistic staging of about confrontation when cooperation in
friendship between cities, nations and peo- sports can be encouraged. In a study con-
ples. This implicit denial of victory as a final cerned with heroism in sports, P. Duret
outcome and the analysis of conflict and ten- (1993) examined how children between the
sion as integral habitual elements of contests – ages of 8 and 12 conceived of relations of
consider the political uses of sports during opposition and cooperation within competi-
the Cold War, for instance – has often been tion. They were asked to comment on a
exposed by sociologists of sport. However, comic strip about a volleyball match. One
due to the dominance of references to com- result was that there were fewer (47%) posi-
petition, the notion of cooperation has not tive elements of encouragement, which indi-
been very successful in the sociology of cate forms of cooperation, than negative
sport. Most authors have thought about sport elements of denigration and rivalry (75%).
from the perspective of competition, with Another result was that the ‘time spent in
some even asserting that sport is not ‘a coop- practising a sports activity emerged as a
6
erative venture’(Heikkala, 1993). Moreover, major source of change in the ratio of
paying some attention to cooperation does encouragement to jeering’(my translation).