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                   system of rivalry. Sport may also be a mode  instance, on the hundreds of  American
                   of resistance to power and a means of acting  radio stations devoted to sport (talk radio) –
                   on and modifying practices (Howell, et al.,  constitutes a space where individuals who
                   2002). Such resistance to hegemony here  think of themselves as apolitical or unable to
                   forms part of a logic of conflict, principally  express their political opinions freely (men,
                   of class conflict. Starting from the perspec-  whites, conservative Republicans, members
                   tive of a number of different problematics,  of the middle and lower social classes; see
                   studies in French inspired by the work of  Goldberg, 1998) can express very political
                   Pierre Bourdieu (1980) have dealt with a vari-  points indeed. Even in football (soccer),
                   ety of resistance movements to the prevailing  often considered the most remarkable enter-
                   sports orthodoxy, which are frequently sym-  prise of indoctrination and creation of fanati-
                   bolized by traditional competitions promoted  cism in sport, uses are more diverse. Indeed,
                   by the major international organizations (fed-  football has been the object of a plethora of
                   erations, CIO, FIFA, etc.) as being the  studies, particularly by European researchers,
                   expressions of class conflict (Pociello, 1981).  because  of  its unrivalled global reach, its
                   Anti-competitions or newly invented forms  economic dimension, its impact through the
                   of competition – mass road running, mass  media and the hyper-abundance of ‘chit-
                   sporting events, alternative competitions and  chat’ that it generates. Football can serve as a
                   sports, etc. – have often been backed by  ‘metaphor for life in society’ (Bromberger
                   groups with greater cultural capital, which  et al., 1995). It is sport in general, however,
                   are opposed to sports organizations that they  that plays this role. Eco (1985) discerns an
                   consider highly conservative.           ambiguity in modern competitions. On the
                     Another argument used to show that com-  one hand, they serve as a pretext for small
                   petition cannot be analyzed uniformly is the  talk and gossip which have the effect of belit-
                   claim that there are multiple forms and  tling individuals. For, even if sport provides a
                   diverse processes of consumption which  reliable resource for social interaction, chat-
                   must be considered. Indeed, the success of  ter about sport is shallow both conceptually
                   competitive sport goes hand-in-hand with a  and in terms of human relations. On the other
                   vast range of commentaries: journalists, fans,  hand, given the extreme complexity of soci-
                   athletes,  TV spectators, and even sociolo-  ety and that the possibility of understanding
                   gists, all participate in this process of making  it is beyond the reach of (most) individuals,
                   sense of competitive sport. One tends prima-  talk about sporting performances and compe-
                   rily to retain scores and images, all too often  titions has become a metaphor for life in
                   neglecting the discourses associated with  society. In the process, this kind of talk
                   them. Competitive sports have often been  impoverishes social debate and displaces
                   approached as warlike contests, which   political involvement. A real anxiety there-
                   promote nationalism and masculine hege-  fore exists about such mass culture.  This
                   mony (Brohm, 1993). The metaphor of war  should not, however, stop us from noting that
                   certainly lends itself to the construction of  the chit-chat engendered by sports competi-
                   narrative, but sports commentary does not  tions nonetheless facilitates the expression of
                   discuss this aspect exclusively.  The narra-  a variety of social values (Ohl, 2000a). While
                   tives of sport also provide opportunities to  the conditions of everyday life are not con-
                   recount human cooperation and conflict in  ducive to such clearly defined competitions
                   the context of competitive contests.    as those enacted in sport, sporting competi-
                     Moreover, texts and commentaries on   tions and their rituals are undeniably symbol-
                   sports are hardly idle chatter. The putatively  ically efficient (Birrell, 1981), and contribute
                   apolitical nature of sports conceals concepts  to making sense of daily life by supplying
                   that are politically charged (Defrance, 2000)  models of identification. Public interest is
                   and the chatter – such as that heard, for  stimulated even more since the narratives of
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