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                                             SOCIAL DIVISION OF HEALTH CARE                  257


                    male medical professionals. The domination  condition is time for body work, emotion
                    of professional elites and bureaucratic proce-  work, dialogue – for listening. ‘Time is a gift
                    dures provoked a grassroots backlash that  of self, even when it is remunerated; it blazes
                    took the form of interest in alternative   the path of reflexivity (between care givers
                    medicine and therapies, as well as of community-  and recipients and each for her/himself) and
                    based movements to bring workers and users  of the space to be taken’ (Gagnon et al.,
                    together in egalitarian, cooperative or asso-  2000: 155). Because the building of trust is
                    ciational organizations (see the radical grass-  such an essential part of care,  continuity is
                    roots initiatives that were at the origins of  one of its key features (Himmelweit, 1999:
                    Québec’s Centres locaux de services commu-  35). Time is money, according to the old
                    nautaires – CLSCs). More recently, the intro-  cliché. Private wealth can purchase time –
                    duction of the new public management in  and therefore the opportunity for ‘labour’ to
                    health care (Browne, 2000) has brought with  become ‘work’ in Radin’s and Himmelweit’s
                    it an emphasis on the use of market mecha-  terms – for a price. (On time and care, see
                    nisms – in particular competition – to effect  Browne, 2003; Gagnon et al., 2000; Twigg,
                    efficiencies: separating purchaser from  2000.) Few people can afford this, though. In
                    provider; contracting out; introducing fees;  the public sector, time has grown scarce and
                    enhancing efficiency through the standardi-  expensive, as cutbacks have become the
                    zation of practices; improving relations with  imperative of every ministry and program.
                    the ‘customer’ through the ‘personalization’  Although there are considerable expenditures
                    of services, that is., the introduction of care-  on supplies and equipment in health care (for
                    like elements, such as aspects of co-production,  figures see Browne, 2000), wages make up a
                    emotional labour and so on (Bellemare,  significant portion of the costs. Reducing the
                    1999; Ughetto et al., 2002).            latter has therefore meant finding ways of
                      Standardization of many aspects of care is  economizing on the expenditure of labour
                    quite another matter, however, because of their  power, that is, reducing the time available to
                    ‘product complexity’ and ‘consumer complex-  health care users. The clock time of capital
                    ity’, as John Baldock (1997: 82) has suggested.  and the state is in contradiction with the
                    Because emotion and body work is often  process time of care. As Julia Twigg puts it,
                    inseparable from the concrete relationship  the ‘needs of the body cannot be saved up and
                    between the individuals it joins (Himmelweit,  dealt with once a week’ (Twigg, 2000:
                    1999: 29), care is inextricably bound up with  100–101; also Davies, 1994).
                    ‘individual differences, varying from person to  The time of care can be related to the kind
                    person and across time and space’ (Baldock,  of social relationship it is. David Graeber
                    1997: 83), making it poorly suited to standard-  (2001) usefully shows how giving can take
                    ization (Laville and Nyssens, 2001: 11–12;  different forms, which may themselves be
                    Leys, 2001). In the rationalization of the mass  highly gendered, pulling either in the direc-
                    production of health services, whether in the  tion of open-ended or closed relationships.
                    hospital or the home, those aspects of care  In the latter, actors weigh their gifts much
                    which are most easily standardized, which  more carefully and tend to await reciprocal
                    have greatest prestige or which have greatest  gifts before giving again. In the former,
                    clout have been given priority (Campbell,  actors give continually without expectation
                    2000). The emotion work of building care rela-  of reciprocal gestures and without any
                    tionships has tended to be marginalized and  thought as to whether such gestures have
                    occluded, because it is not standardizable,  been forthcoming – behaviour characteristic
                    because it is time-consuming and expensive,  of a relationship of care. Each of these forms
                    and because of its gendered nature.     of giving can become corrupted. Closed rela-
                      Because care consists in the collective  tionships can ‘degenerate into outright com-
                    work of building relationships, its essential  petition’ or barter; open-ended giving, of the
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