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310 THE ISA HANDBOOK IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY
Sampson and associates, helps make this All communities perform a normative func-
connection (Bursik, 1999; Saegert and tion whereby different communities exhibit
Winkel, 2004; Sampson and Groves, 1989; varying degrees of tolerance/intolerance for
Sampson et al., 1997). The reason is that certain criminal and deviant behaviours.
community is both geography and sociology; Finally, all places exercise socialization and
hence, a community’s social ecology, includ- social control functions (Oetting et al.,
ing the time and space dimensions of crime, 1998). Attitudes and behaviours of individu-
are simultaneously reflective of local condi- als are transmitted, mostly through such
tions and of the wider society in which a primary groups as family and peer groups,
place is situated (Liepins, 2000). Rural com- and through formal agencies, such as school
munities may shield residents from global systems, police and courts.
forces that disrupt local social cohesion and
promote criminal and deviant behaviour, or,
they may allow these forces to facilitate the
local expression of crime. SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION: THE
Also, communities, both large and small, FIRST STEP TOWARD A SOLID
are networks of individuals and organizations THEORETICAL GROUNDING
who both compete and cooperate for eco-
nomic, social, political and cultural power. The most frequently employed place-based
These local processes of competition and theory in criminology is ‘social disorganiza-
cooperation are emblematic of similar tion’theory, which emerged from research of
processes at the national and international crime in urban neighbourhoods by sociolo-
levels. Although their local expressions are gists of the Chicago School (Tittle, 2000).
greatly influenced by local context, they also There are obvious but significant reasons for
are linked to extra-community dynamics. this, although it can be argued that ‘disor-
Third, rural (as well as urban) people ganization’ is not the correct label for what
experience the forces of globalization and its the theory really says, and the idea of disor-
impact on their society and culture through ganization does not reflect the reality of how
the places where they live. For example, con- crime emerges, increases and declines
sider the concept of vicarious victimization. within the varying contexts of different sized
Cable television reports news on murders and places.
other violent crimes at places distant from One reason for the popularity of social dis-
the viewer’s home and neighbourhood, yet, organization theory is its emphasis on the
exposure to crime stories in the media can ecology of crime (Bursik, 1999). Simply put,
increase one’s sense of vulnerability to crime crime varies geographically by conditions
and influence one’s behaviour, such as walk- exhibited within different kinds of localities.
ing on a country road or attending nearby As Tittle (2000) points out, earlier versions
public events (Gibson et al., 2002). of social disorganization theory emphasized
A fourth feature of communities of all differences between cities, and part of this
sizes is that they provide the specific context focus was on the relationship between urban-
in which people express their opinions and ism and crime. City level comparisons are
behaviours. In relation to crime, how mem- problematic because of their internal hetero-
bers of rural communities anywhere in the geneity and for a while, social disorganiza-
world define what a crime is and whether or tion theory fell out of favour. However, once
not they feel safe, is based on the local con- the focus was re-set to examine differences
text. Furthermore, criminal behaviour itself within specific areas or neighbourhoods of
is influenced by locality, through family, cities, and by extension, smaller places as well,
neighbours, friendship cliques and a host of the theory once again became popular. Hence,
other social groups and local conditions. the latter-day version of social disorganization