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314 THE ISA HANDBOOK IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY

the development of crime if it serves to structures in localities with transitory popu-
reinforce cohesion among the members of lations and much less cohesion, and these
a small, remote community where class conditions, in the absence of other mitigating
differences are minimal because the commu- forces, frequently display high rates of crime.
nity itself is both economically and politi-
cally marginalized. More typically, however,
poverty is an indicator of social class divi- Race and ethnicity
sions that are local expressions of country-
level and international economic structures Differences in customs and a lack of shared
(Greenberg, 1981). With economic inequal- experiences lead to fragmented social struc-
ity come social and political inequality, cre- tures that may breed fear and distrust
ating rural-located social structures with (Sampson and Groves, 1989), especially
sub-groups manifesting divergent values, when combined with poverty and other
norms and group loyalties. economic features that exacerbate these
Persistent and deep poverty creates a differ- divisions. Jobes et al. (2005) illustrate these
ent situation than inequality. Some members dynamics in their study of two rural
living in these places can begin to develop Australian communities with significant pro-
alternative means of sustenance (often portions of indigenous people. In the first
referred to as ‘informal economic activities’), locality with high crime, there was a fair
some of which may include involvement in degree of race-based distrust and division in
illegal activities, especially drug production the community. In the second locality, there
(O’Dea et al., 1997; Rojas, 2002; Weisheit, were less divisive relations, even though
1992). Moreover, notions of male masculinity residential segregation was a fact of life. In
and rural patriarchy are most evident in high the latter, crime was much lower.
poverty rural localities, which in turn, are
associated with various forms of domestic
violence (DeKeseredy et al., 2006).
Family
Family and extended family are a primary
source of socialization (Oetting et al., 1998).
Residential mobility
Sampson (1986) argues that single parents
Rural communities dependent on extractive are often too strained for time and money to
industries may experience ‘boom and bust’ supervise their children effectively and to
cycles, accompanied by transient populations interact with other adults. Alternative struc-
and higher rates of crime (Freudenburg and tures for socialization, such as gangs or
Jones, 1991). The introduction of tourism or delinquent cliques can develop. On the flip
of a new industry to exploit cheap rural side, family can be a primary source for cre-
labour can change a rural locality’s crime ating the context, including the modelling of
profile. Regardless of the source, high rates values and behaviours, for such offences as
of in- and out- migration can lead to rural spouse, child and elder abuse, and for
social structures with high rates of crime. involvement in other forms of violence, such
Probably one reason why Tönnies’ (1957) as assault and bullying.
Gemeinschaft remains such a popular word,
and one frequently associated with idealized
forms of rural living, is that it evokes the
image of a place where people know each SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION
other and generally engage in cooperative
relationships. High rates of population The foregoing discussion draws heavily from
mobility reflect the opposite, that is, social literature within a few English-speaking