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442 THE ISA HANDBOOK IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY
of its immigrants. 20 Québec even obtained origin in particular locations tends to be
a substantially higher share of federal settle- self-reinforcing, this is likely to be a long-
ment funds, based on the recognition, stated term trend (McDonald, 2004).
in the agreement, that it needs additional At the same time, immigration to Québec
resources to help immigrants integrate in a has been consistently more modest than to
manner that takes into account its distinct other large provinces. As Figure 29.1 illus-
identity (Li, 2003: 170). The key period in trates, Québec has never reached a share of
this process was the second part of the 1970s, new immigrants proportional to its demo-
when the Parti Québécois secured important graphic weight in Canada (whereas Ontario
immigration powers in 1978 (under the consistently exceeds it). But compared to
Cullen-Couture agreement), 21 and also other developed countries around the world,
attempted to direct immigrants towards the even major immigration destinations like the
provincial linguistic majority by making United States, France, and Germany, Québec
French education mandatory for school-aged ranks as a major immigrant-receiving society
newcomers. (see Figure 29.2).
The bifurcation of Canada’s immigration These figures illustrate both the success
policy is therefore largely the product of Québec has had at shaping its migratory
Québec’s efforts at greater policy autonomy, influx and the continuing ambivalence with
with the objectives of protecting and devel- which it approaches it. This ambivalence
oping the use of French, and countering goes beyond numbers, and is further illus-
demographic decline. Contemporary migra- trated by the fluctuating mission (and name)
tion to Canada is, as a result, linguistically of the ministry in charge of immigration
dichotomized. As Table 29.1 shows, French since its creation over 30 years ago (Helly,
is spoken in half of the main source countries 1996; Symons, 2002), which Pietrantonio
of immigrants to Montréal, compared to chronicles earlier in this chapter. Not unlike
none for Canada’s two other immigrant other immigrant-receiving societies, Québec’s
cities. 22 In 2002, nearly half of the immi- official approach to immigration has been
grants to Montréal spoke some French, attempting to strike an uneasy balance
against only about 2% of those moving to between operating within the conceptual
Toronto and Vancouver (Citizenship and framework of individualistic citizenship
Immigration Canada, 2002). 23 Since the and accepting the reality of communal
concentration of immigrants of similar diversity. Canada’s immigration policy is
Table 29.1 Top 10 source countries, Montréal, Toronto, Vancouver, 2002
Montréal Toronto Vancouver
+*Morocco India China
China China India
+*France Pakistan Philippines
+*Algeria Philippines Korea, Republic of
+Romania Iran Taiwan
+*Haiti Sri Lanka Iran
Pakistan United Arab Emirates United Kingdom
India Korea, Republic of United States
+*Lebanon Ukraine Pakistan
Sri Lanka Jamaica Hong Kong
Adapted from : Facts and Figures, Ottawa: Citizenship and Immigration, OECD, 2002.
+ Member of the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (see http://www.francophonie.org/)
*French is widely spoken and/or an official language.

