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                   32                THE ISA HANDBOOK IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIOLOGY


                   This is a differentiation that identity politics  dispossessed them.  A major focus in their
                   has not been inclined to make, tending, as a  struggles is the call for recognition of their
                   result, to neglect the complex and contested  ‘land rights’ and claims of ownership of the
                   relationship between individuals, groupings,  lands where they used to reside before the
                   and collectivities. Since individuals and   European invasion. As they had often been
                   collectivities are interchangeable emotion-  stateless nomadic populations, they had no
                   ally in identity politics, questions of  repre-  official land titles registered in their name, as
                   sentation, accountability, and governability  would be the case under a bureaucratic state
                   have tended to be ignored (Bourne, 1987;  apparatus. As the lands they claim are often
                   Cain and  Yuval-Davis, 1990;  Yuval-Davis,  now either privately or state owned, their
                   1994, 2006c).  The politics of belonging is  claims have frequently been faced with fierce
                   where the sociology of emotions and the  resistance by settler societies and states, at
                   sociology of power intersect.           the same time as they are endorsed by human
                     To illustrate the different ways identities,  rights discourse.
                   citizenships, and belonging(s) interrelate in  One of the questions that arise in the
                   different modes of the politics of belonging,  attempts to define who the indigenous inhab-
                   I shall now turn briefly to exploring narra-  itants of a particular territory are concerns
                   tives of belonging of both indigenousness  the temporal dimension. Although in the nar-
                   and diasporism.                         ratives of indigenous people’s movements
                                                           ‘they have occupied a specific territory from
                                                           time immemorial’(Abu-Saad and Champagne,
                                                           2001: 158), usually the crucial date of authen-
                   DISCOURSES OF INDIGENOUSNESS            ticity is fixed as that of occupation at the time
                                                           of European colonization. This can prove to
                   To be an indigene means to ‘really’ belong to  be Eurocentric. It constructs the past as if his-
                   a place, and to have the most ‘authentic’  tory started when contact with the Europeans
                   claim for rights over it.  The discourse of  was established, and covers up previous
                   ‘indigenousness’ has been used by hege-  population movements and colonizations (as
                   monic majorities as an exclusionary means to  happened in Algeria, for instance, with the
                   limit immigration, withhold citizenship  Arab settlement, and, in the case of
                   rights, call for repatriation, and in its most  Amerindians, with empires such as those of
                   extreme forms, for ‘ethnic cleansing’. In such  the Aztecs and the Mayas).
                   a discourse, the immutable link of people,  Another question, however, even more
                   state, and territory is formulated in its most  central to our discussion here, concerns the
                   racialized mode.                        form of ownership to be claimed by those
                     However, the discourse of ‘indigenous-  ‘land rights’ movements. Should land be
                   ness’ has also played a central role in the   given to individual members of the ‘first
                   politics of inclusion and recognition, of claim-  nation’, in a way that would not limit their
                   ing rights. It is used by movements of   freedom to sell it? Or should it be transferred
                   the largely excluded, dispossessed, and mar-  collectively, to families/households, or to ‘the
                   ginalized remnants of societies that existed  community’ as a whole in the form of a
                   before or on the margins of settler and other  Trust? Who should then have the decision-
                   nation-states (Feldman, 2001; Stasiulis and  making power in these  Trusts?  And who
                   Yuval-Davis, 1995). These remnants are fre-  should be included in these ‘communities’
                   quently seen, by themselves and by others, as  or collectivities? Very often there are bitter
                   an ‘organic’ part of the land and the land-  conflicts between certain kinship groups of
                   scape, and all other inhabitants are seen as  aboriginal people who each claim that only
                   part of the ‘imposing society’ (to use an  they are the rightful inheritors of a specific
                   Australian  Aboriginal expression) who   territory and that other Aborigines, who are
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