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a drug-addicted cripple.  In  Bruno's  version,  Bruno  recasts  the act with  a dog-faced  sad-sack called
          Tino, and Nino lives on the streets obsessed with his next meal because Bruno has framed him in an
          airport  drug  bust.
            It is worth addressing these sequences, and the transition, in detail, since such moments need to
          be  understood  as  privileged  moments  in  the  film's  interpretation.  Moreover,  topically speaking,  in
         Muertos de  risa  they clearly  represent critical  moments  in  the  production  of recent  Spanish  history.
         Tejero's  coup  attempt,  in  Spain  popularly  called  'F-23'  since  it  occurred  on  23  February  1981,
         challenged  Spain's  status  as  a  democracy.  Muertos de la  risa  stresses  that  the  interruption  occurred
         in  virtual  reality,  just  like  the  Gulf War,  or  O.  J.  Simpson's  highway  chase  interrupting  President
         Clinton's  State  of  the  Union  address,  did.  The  nation  unfolds  from  within  T V E ,  the  national
         television station.  How do national and global interests play out in  this conflict? With these terms in
         mind, let us consider the sequence 'Golpe de estado' ('Military Coup').
            In the previous sequence Nino and Bruno are  filming  a comedy routine based on a magic act, a
         staple of 1970s television, and a talking animal.  Remember Ed the talking horse? The mise-en-scene
         is  absolutely  1970s  television  -  vaudeville  variety  in  front  of a  purple  shimmery  curtain,  done  on  a
         sound stage.  Bruno is supposed to be interviewing Nino to see if he can manage the part of a rabbit
         in the magic act. What shifts the dynamic to allow the long-suffering Nino to  finally  take revenge on
         Bruno, who has always hit him,  is the  1990s media subtext.  From the perspective of the  1990s,  the
         rabbit is coded as the Energizer Bunny. This campaign was well distributed throughout Europe and
         had a major impact. In Spain, Felipe Gonzalez, the Spanish Socialist president, was caricatured on the
         cover of a major news magazine as the Energizer Bunny for his durability in office despite the scandals
         emerging over his handling of a covert war against the Basque E T A militia.
            What  is  most  interesting  about  this  sequence,  which  intercuts  real  T V E  footage  of the  coup,
         is  the  depiction  of the  commanding  officer  and  his  troops  as  everyday Joes,  doing  forced  military
         service, looking for a beer or a cognac, and definitely more interested in cultural  icons,  in what is on
         entertainment  television,  than  in  political  upheaval.  The  exchange  between  the  television  workers
         and the military more closely resembles a common stick-up. Moreover, as important as what Muertos
         de risa shows  of the  event  of the  coup  on  television,  is what  it does  not  show.  History books  praise
         King Juan  Carlos for addressing the  nation via television,  thus aborting the coup  and affirming  the
         constitution.  In  The  Spectacle  of  Democracy,  the  most  complete  account  to  date  of  the  relationship
         between Spanish political and media history, Richard Maxwell explains:

           After  midnight,  and  after  many  helpless  hours,  Spaniards  watched  as  the  king  of Spain
           appeared  on  T V E .  No  one  knew  for  sure  until  then  that  he  refused  to  join  the  coup  or
           that  he  had  not  been  killed;  it  had  been  a very long while  before  he  appeared.  It was  not
           clear  that T V E had  been  recaptured  by troops  loyal  to  the government,  and  the  king was
           the  first  to  report  that  there  was  going  to  be  no  uprising  and  no  end  to  democracy.  He
           calmed  fears  and,  as  if speaking  directly  to  them,  commanded  the  insurgents  to  follow.
           Later it was  revealed that the  king had  rallied all  but two divisions to the defense of Spanish
           democracy.  ...  That  night,  many  believers  in  democracy  became  monarchists,  if only  for
           a  brief time. 27


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