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206           Communication,  Commerce and Power

           imaginable.  In other words,  the multiple and ever-changing mediators
           of the international political economy directly shape what is perhaps the
           essential concern of both Cox and Schiller - how consent is constructed,
           maintained and destroyed.
             Historic periods of disturbance or crisis usually compel the devel-
           opment of new  or reformed media.  The implicit and/or explicit pur-
           pose  of some constructions  or reforms is  to create greater flexibility
           and/or stability for a ruling class  or hegemonic bloc.  These attempts
           often  involve  the  use  of vanous media  to control  territory  and  the
           people in it (control over space) and the maintenance of this control
           (control  over time).  The capacity to control  space and time and the
           capacity to challenge hegemonic dominance involves the use  of such
           media  to  undermine  or  accommodate  critical  thought.  This  is  the
           essence of the cultural concerns implicit in this book: it is the essence
           of cultural imperialism and the construction of consent or its absence.
           Hegemonic  rule  involves  more than  the  willingness  of people  to  be
           ruled. It also involves the building and maintenance of 'the conditions
           for that willingness to be present.' 14  Both the construction or reform
           of key mediators in the international political economy thus constitute
           the  necessary  precondition  for  hegemonic  rule  - rule  involving  the
           capacity to compromise with counter-hegemonic forces  in  ways  that
           will reinforce the naturalness of a favored world order. Without such
           media, a consensual hegemonic order would be impossible.
             The  hegemonic  crisis  facing  America  and  the  Fordist  regime  of
           accumulation,  dating  from  the  early  1970s,  has  involved  conflicts
           among inter-and intra-class forces in the United States and challenges
           involving  such  media.  Institutions  such  as  international  law,  the
           structure  and  raison  d'etre  of organizations  like  the  ITU  and  chal-
           lenges  over  the  implementation  of technologies  like  DBS,  reflected
           and shaped the history of this struggle.
             A central goal in such efforts to reform or restructure international
           media  involves  more  than  an  attempt  to  influence  what  is  on  'the
           agenda'  or  what  kind  of information  will  be  produced  and  made
           available.  More fundamentally, control over such media involves the
           shaping of conceptual systems through which elites  and masses con-
           struct conciousness, and central to this process are the individual and
           cultural  biases  that  such  structures  facilitate.  For  example,  in  the
           1970s  and  1980s,  in  the  context  of economic  crisis  and  American
           hegemonic decline, the structural characteristics of the ITU facilitated
           the  overtly  'political'  concerns  of less  developed  countries  involving
           redistribution issues.  From the perspective of particular US  interests,
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