Page 117 - Conflict, Terrorism, and the Media In Asia
P. 117

106 Michael Dillon
              foreign investment was first permitted, beginning with Shenzhen, were in the
              south and Southeast of China, coastal areas that had already benefited from
              development during the Treaty Port era of the late nineteenth and early twentieth
              centuries.  The economic development of these areas in the provinces of
              Guangdong, Fujian, Zhejiang and the city of Shanghai became the phenomenon
              of the 1980s and 1990s. As capital moved to these areas, so did labour, and China
              experienced a migration of population unlike any it had seen for over a century.
              In contrast, poor and underdeveloped areas in the west suffered even more from
              a lack of investment.
                The decision to tackle the problem of the relative underdevelopment in the
              whole of China’s western provinces led to the policy of the Great Development of
              the Western Regions (Xibu da kaifa) which was launched in 2000 in Chengdu, the
              capital of Sichuan province. The Western Development policy was targeted at the
              whole of the west, not just Xinjiang and this includes Ningxia, Gansu and
              Qinghai. The choice of provinces and regions to be included is somewhat contro-
              versial as it includes relatively prosperous localities such as Sichuan province in
              addition to genuinely impoverished areas, and the strategy requires considerable
              investment from abroad if it is to succeed.
                The economy of the west of China is clearly in desperate need of development
              although improvements in the infrastructure, primarily road and rail links and
              urban construction have taken place over the last ten years. However the devel-
              opment plan treats the west as one homogeneous region and does not take into
              account its ethnic and religious diversity: this is likely to lead to conflict if it
              appears that economic development will benefit one group (i.e. the Han) rather
              than others.

              Ethnic and religious conflict in the 1990s

              Throughout the 1990s, political violence gradually spread throughout the region,
              partly evolving out of the internal dynamics of Xinjiang’s political, social and
              ethnic structure and partly in response to the cataclysmic break up of the Soviet
              Union and the formation of new states by the predominantly  Turkic peoples
              across the border from Xinjiang. As the decade progressed, the conflict became
              more acute and better organised.
                The crucial events which determined the region’s slide into conflict and violence
              were the riots of April 1990 at the height of the spring ploughing season at Baren
              in the Kizilsu Kyrgyz Autonomous Prefecture in southern Xinjiang. Baren is
              some 50 kilometres to the south-west of the great trading centre of Kashghar, it
              borders the Kashghar counties of Shufu, Shule and Yengihisar (Yingjisha) and is
              close to the Pamir mountain range which forms China’s border with Afghanistan.
              A group of men attending prayers at a mosque on 5 April began criticising CCP
              policies towards ethnic minorities, including regulations on birth control, nuclear
              weapons testing at Lop Nur, and the export of Xinjiang’s resources to ‘inland
              China’. This developed into a mass protest with some activists calling for a jihad
              to drive the Han non-believers out of Xinjiang and to establish an East Turkistan
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