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MATTHEW ARNOLD

            led, not by their class spirit, but by a general humane spirit, by the
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            love of human perfection”.  This group is by no means necessarily
            fixed in size. Quite the contrary: it can be expanded through state-
            sponsored education.
              For Arnold, the state becomes, in effect, the institutional corollary
            of the concept of culture. Hence the title of the book, in which culture
            is counterposed, not to material civilization, but to anarchy. If the
            preservation and extension of culture is a task which devolves essentially
            upon the state, then it must follow that any threat of “anarchy and
            disorder” will be directed as much at culture as at the state itself:
            “without order there can be no society, and without society there can
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            be no human perfection”.  And anarchy, Arnold is clear, emanates
            from the “working class…beginning to assert and put into practice
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            an Englishman’s right to do what he likes”.  Arnold’s defence of culture
            is conceived in organicist and anti-individualist terms suggestive of a
            rejection of middle class utilitarianism closely parallel, as we shall
            see, to those attempted by both classical sociology and classical
            Marxism. But the critique of utilitarian culture becomes displaced,
            through a similarly organicist and anti-individualist conception of
            the state, into a fear of anarchy, and a corresponding faith in the
            remnant, much more reminiscent of sociology, and especially of French
            sociological positivism, than it is of Marxism. The Arnoldian
            programme becomes, then, a programme of liberal, but not thereby
            individualist, social reform.
              Williams argues that the key weakness in Arnold is his inability to
            explain how it is that the state might be influenced by the remnant,
            rather than by the classes, so as to make it possible for it to fulfil the
            cultural rôle allocated it. In short, Arnold can offer no institutional
            mechanism by which the remnant might be organized. Thus the case
            for the ideal state collapses into a defence of an actual state which is
            in reality far from ideal.  There is one obvious reply to this charge,
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            though it is not one of which Arnold could have availed himself. It
            could be argued that Arnold’s remnant is better understood as a social
            class in its own right, rather than as an aggregate “number of aliens”, 10
            and that it should therefore prove at least as capable of directing the
            state, at least in particular directions, as are the Barbarians, Philistines
            and Populace. Neither Arnold nor Williams contemplates this prospect.
            But had either done so, it might well have provided them with an
            explanation for the transparently, and increasingly, educative rôle of


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