Page 33 - Contemporary Cultural Theory
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CULTURALISM

            much of the business of the modern state. A problem remains, however:
            understood thus—that is, as an intellectual class—the remnant would
            in all probability be motivated, not by a general humane spirit, but by
            their own class spirit. Such a class spirit would, of course, prove
            unusually sympathetic, by comparison with those of the three main
            classes, to the business of intellectual work. But there is no reason at
            all to imagine it inspired by the love of human perfection. If Arnold’s
            remnant has indeed proved able to direct state policy towards
            deliberately “cultural” goals, in exactly the way he envisaged, then
            this can have been so only because it possessed powers of organization
            and interest quite specific to itself as a class. And if the remnant is
            indeed as distinct a social class as this appears to suggest, then a
            prima facie case, at least, exists for the proposition that its motives
            are likely to be as ulterior as are those of any other major social
            group.



                             The rise of English studies
            A recognizably Arnoldian discipline of “English” slowly began to
            emerge in the British Isles during the mid-late 19th century. The origins
            of English criticism can actually be traced back to the late 17th and
            early 18th centuries, and to the network of London clubs and coffee
            houses which sustained Defoe’s Review, Steele’s Tatler, and Addison’s
            Spectator (founded, respectively, in 1704, 1709 and 1711). But this
            was very much a general “cultural” criticism, rather than a technical
            “literary” criticism and, whatever else it might have been, it was certainly
            not “academic’: neither Oxford nor Cambridge taught “English” as
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            a university subject. Following Habermas,  Terry Eagleton has argued
            that such cultural criticisms can be understood as characteristic of
            the developing liberal “public sphere”: “A polite, informed public
            opinion pits itself against the arbitrary diktats of autocracy; within
            the translucent space of the public sphere it is supposedly no longer
            social power, privilege and tradition which confer upon individuals
            the title to speak and judge, but the degree to which they are constituted
            as discoursing subjects by sharing in a consensus of universal reason”. 12
              This bourgeois public sphere was progressively undermined during
            the 19th century, Eagleton argues, firstly by the expansion of the
            literary market and the concomitant rise of an anonymous public,


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