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ContCultural Theory Text Pages  4/4/03  1:42 PM  Page 155





                                      The cultural politics of difference



                     actually shore up the boundaries of racial particularity. As he
                     writes in the introductory chapter: ‘if ultranationalism, fratern-
                     alism, and militarism can take hold, unidentified, among the
                     descendants of slaves, they can enter anywhere. Past victim-
                     ization affords no protection against the allure of automatic,
                     prepolitical uniformity’ (p. 8).
                       It is easy to sympathise with Gilroy’s unease at the re-
                     racialisation of commodity culture in the name of black ‘freedom’.
                     But the ‘planetary’, conceived as a radical universalisation of the
                     diasporic, surely isn’t the solution, if only because the problem
                     lies with the commodity form itself and with its capacity for alien-
                     ation. Which returns us to Gilroy’s earlier critique of British
                     cultural studies. His accusation of racism had been directed at the
                     pages in Towards 2000, where Williams contrasted the ‘alienated
                     superficialities’ of ‘formal legal definitions’ of citizenship with the
                     more substantial reality of ‘deeply grounded and active social
                     identities’ (Williams, 1983, p. 195). Gilroy read Williams as in
                     effect replicating the racist distinction between ‘authentic and
                     inauthentic types of national belonging’ (Gilroy, 1992, p. 49). This
                     has been a widely influential reading, much repeated in later
                     cultural studies debates (cf. Hall, 1993, pp. 360–3; Hall & Chen,
                     1996, p. 394; Hall, 2000a; Bennett, 1998, p. 26). It is, however, a
                     misreading. The pages at issue were those where Williams devel-
                     oped his own critique of the legalism of mainstream liberal
                     anti-racism. At no point had he denied that ‘blacks can share a
                     significant “social identity” with their white neighbours’, as
                     Gilroy suggests (Gilroy, 1992, p. 50). Rather, Williams merely
                     insisted that the appeal to legality was in itself an inadequately
                     counter-hegemonic response to racism (cf. Jones, 2000). Indeed,
                     he quite specifically argued that the ‘real grounds of hope’ lay in
                     ‘working and living together, with some real place and common
                     interests to identify with’ (Williams, 1983, p. 196).



                     Rooted settlement or diasporic hybridity?
                     Insofar as there was something substantial at issue here, as
                     distinct from mere misreading or misunderstanding, it hinged on
                     Williams’ critique of ‘alienated superficialities’, rather than on his

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