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                                      Contemporary Cultural Theory



                   record actually provides very little evidence for the view that
                   traditional, pre-modern, literate cultures were unitary. The
                   literary canon was never, in fact, the expression of the spirit of
                   a ‘people’, but rather the product and possession of an extremely
                   small and socially exclusive cultural elite. As late as 1839, only
                   58.4% of those married in Britain were able to sign the marriage
                   register (Williams, 1965, p. 187): it seems unlikely that many
                   of this illiterate majority would have had much taste for Meta-
                   physical poetry.
                      Truly popular, pre-modern cultures were primarily non-
                   literate, oral and ‘folkish’, and the record we have of them is often
                   both imprecise and patchy. That they were significantly differ-
                   entiated from contemporaneous elite cultures seems, though,
                   almost certain to be the case. We can be rather more definite about
                   elite cultures. In pre-modern Europe, these were overwhelmingly
                   defined, constructed and regulated either by the church or by the
                   court. If the former had a popular dimension, the latter by and
                   large did not. And even then, popular Catholicism was very often
                   distinctly heretical and normally distinctly heterogeneous: it was
                   never a part of the seamless web of some ideal Christian social
                   organism. The new, more fully modern cultures of the eighteenth
                   and nineteenth centuries—or at least what was distinctively
                   modern about them—were quintessentially ‘bourgeois’ in form:
                   democratic, realistic and prosaic. The exemplary instance here is
                   the rise of the realist novel. Formally democratic though the realist
                   novel might have been, it was not, however, a truly popular
                   literary form: in the eighteenth century, the ‘price of a novel...
                   would feed a family for a week or two’ (Watt, 1957, p. 43).
                   Throughout the eighteenth century, and across Europe, print runs
                   were generally still well below 2000; by way of contrast,
                   Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four sold 360,000 copies in the United
                   States and 50,000 in Britain during its first year of publication in
                   1949–50 (Febvre & Martin, 1976, p. 220; Crick, 1980, p. 393).


                   High modernism and mass popular culture
                   It is only in the late nineteenth century, in fact, that we are able
                   to observe the more or less simultaneous emergence of the new

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