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Social Movements 101


                    A  “ frame ”  works because  “ it simplifi es  ‘ the world out there ’  by selectively
                    punctuating and encoding objects, situations, events, experiences, and
                    sequences of actions in one ’ s present or past environment ”  (Snow and
                    Benford,  1992 : 137). Frames enable the interpretation of what would

                    otherwise be a mass of complex data, fleeting impressions, and confusing
                    ideas. It is  “ collective action frames, ”  in particular, which work to mobi-
                    lize the members of social movements: they  “ punctuate ”  or emphasize the

                    intolerability of some aspect of a group ’ s social condition, defining it as
                    requiring corrective action; they make what Snow and Benford call  “ diag-
                    nostic attributions ”   –  attributing blame to individuals, groups, or social
                    structures  –  and  “ prognostic attributions ”   –  suggesting how the problem
                    could be ameliorated; and they  “ encode ”  an array of events, observations,
                    and experiences into meaningful  “ packages ”  for the targets of mobiliza-
                    tion (1992: 137 – 8).

                         Influenced by Goffman, Snow and his associates consider mobilization
                    to take place in face - to - face interaction, in what they call  “ micromobiliza-
                    tion. ”  Building on earlier work concerning different processes of recruit-
                    ment into different social movements, on how movements  “ solicit, coax,
                    and secure participants, ”  they locate mobilization in the face - to - face
                    interactions of everyday life (Snow et al.,  1980 : 799, 1986: 464 – 5). Social
                    movements recruit and secure adherents by linking individual interpreta-
                    tions with those of the movement in an ongoing process which Snow et
                    al.  (1986)  call  “ frame alignment.  ”  There are four strategies of frame
                    alignment, as they see it, which depend on how far individuals are from
                    the orientation of the movement:  “ frame bridging ”  in which  “ ideologi-
                    cally congruent but structurally unconnected frames ”  are linked;  “ frame
                    amplifi cation ”  in which there is the  “ clarifi cation and invigoration ”  of an
                    already existing interpretation;  “ frame extension ”  in which the objectives
                    of the movement are portrayed as continuous with the values and interests
                    of potential adherents; and  “ frame transformation ”  in which a movement
                    puts forward a radically new set of ideas and must therefore totally
                    reframe old understandings of issues and problems (Snow et al.,  1986 ).
                         In more recent years, while still focusing on micromobilization insofar
                    as they see framing and reframing as interactive, Snow and his associates
                    have turned their attention to the wider context in which social movements
                    mobilize resources, to look at the  “ master frames ”  through which a variety
                    of movements are created and constrained (Snow and Benford,  1988,
                    1992 ). This enables them to take a more historical view, and they argue
                    that, using this concept, they can explain the well - documented  “ cycles
                    of protest ”  which characterize the activities of new social movements.
                    Like collective action frames, master frames are modes of punctuation,
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