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Social Movements 99

leading to violent clashes with the police. This escalation actually contrib-
utes to the beginning of the decline of the cycle, as participants reject
increasing violence or simply become exhausted, and as the state either
exercises effective repression or, in rare cases, capitulates to the demands
of the protestors. The decline often, however, results in the consolidation
of social movement organizations, which adopt a more measured and
long - term approach, and which act to mobilize resources on this basis.
Moreover, it does not necessarily mean defeat of the protestors ’ aims.
Often, the effects of the peak of the protest are not felt immediately, but
become apparent later in the agendas of political parties, policy decisions,
and changes in attitudes and values among the general population. The
cycle of protest initiated by the student movement of the 1960s may be
seen as an example. Initiated among groups of friends and colleagues,
reaching its peak with demonstrations and clashes between police and
students and young workers, it resulted in the formation of the “ new ”
social movements which became prominent in the 1970s, and which are
continuing to have far - reaching, though more diffuse, effects (Tarrow,
1989, 1998 : chapter 9 ).
Tarrow ’ s analysis of cycles of protest is well supported empirically. It
also complements Zald and McCarthy ’ s analyses of the importance of
social movement organizations and Tilly ’ s work on political opportunity
structures. However, both Tarrow ’ s and Tilly ’ s emphasis on grassroots
mobilization has one main weakness from the point of view of RMT. It
returns sociologists working in this tradition to its starting point: why is
it that rational individuals participate in collective action? If, as Tarrow
argues, social movement organizations are only effective once a cycle of
protest is underway, how does it begin? He tentatively suggests that
people revolt when new grievances are heaped on the old, or when new
political opportunities develop (Tarrow, 1989 : 51). However, his model
of cycles of protest presupposes that individuals have motivations apart
from their rational self - interest for initiating collective action since, as we
have seen, from a rational choice perspective this is not sufficient to make

participation worthwhile. The question of individual motivation and par-
ticipation in social movements with which the RMT tradition began is
also the question which has led to its transformation into quite a different
perspective from that premised on rational choice theory.

The “ c ultural t urn ” in R esource M obilization T heory

From the very beginning of the development of RMT, there have been
criticisms of its excessively rationalist and instrumentalist approach to