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94  Social Movements


                            Olson was not himself aiming to provide an explanation of the forma-
                        tion of social movements. On the contrary, he was interested in showing
                        why it is that people  do not  take part in collective action, despite their
                        individual interests in collective goals. The existence of social grievances

                        is not a sufficient condition for the rise of a social movement. However,
                        for Resource Mobilization theorists impressed by rational choice theory
                        but interested in studying actually existing social movements, given that
                        people  are  participating in collective action, the question becomes rather
                        different: how are resources mobilized in such a way as to make that
                        participation rational for self - interested individuals?
                            This is the question addressed by Anthony Oberschall, who extended
                        Olson ’ s theory to explain the historical emergence of oppositional social

                        movements. Oberschall defines resources widely enough to include mate-
                        rial resources, such as jobs, money, and the right to goods and services,
                        and non - material, including authority, commitment, friendship, skills,
                        and so on. By mobilization, he means the processes by which groups
                        manage resources for the pursuit of their goals (Oberschall,  1973 : 28).
                        Like Olson, Oberschall supposes that individuals faced with their own
                        resource management decisions participate in collective action to the
                        extent that they rationally choose to pursue their interests in this way.
                        However, he is able to show that such participation is more common than
                        one would suppose on Olson ’ s theory by taking into account aspects of
                        the social situations in which individuals find themselves, something

                        Olson largely ignored. In the case of movement leaders, he argues that,
                        although the costs of their participation are very high, as indeed may be
                        the risks where they are involved in activities which are opposed to vested

                        interests, so too are the potential benefits in terms of social status and
                        power within the movement, and a successful career as a result of the
                        leadership role if it succeeds. This is particularly the case where  “ normal ”
                        opportunities in the wider society are closed to members of a particular

                        social group, in which case the benefits to leaders as individuals should
                        they succeed will be very high, and the costs relatively low. Oberschall
                        also considers the social context of the rank - and - file members of social

                        movements, arguing that they do not exist as isolated individuals as Olson
                        assumes; in fact, they often live in communities in which everyone stands
                        to gain from collective action so that each individual is under social pres-
                        sure to participate in a movement working toward common goals. This
                        is particularly likely to be successful because the costs of that kind of
                        participation are low. In fact, Olson himself thought that social sanctions
                        and rewards are among the kinds of incentives that can mobilize a group,
                        but he believed they only work among small, friendship - based groups
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