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Social Movements 89


                    unconventional means, such as direct action, rather than working through
                    the  “ normal ”  political institutions of the state. As Calhoun sees it, they
                    tended to be ignored by sociologists because of the rationalist, instrumen-
                    talist bias of sociology itself. Once the labor movement was institutional-
                    ized in the late nineteenth century with the extension of the vote, it came
                    to be seen as  the  social movement of industrialization and progressive
                    social change. Other movements, at least as much concerned with trans-
                    formations of the self, lifestyle choices, and aesthetic criteria for judging
                    personal and social arrangements, were ignored as irrelevant to rational,
                    material progress (Calhoun,  1995 ).
                         However, as Calhoun himself acknowledges, the institutionalization of
                    the labor movement also  actually  marginalized other social movements
                    from the mid - nineteenth century. As Charles Tilly has shown, the labor
                    movement and the modern state developed together. The extension of the
                    franchise and the relative willingness of state elites to respond to working
                    men ’ s concerns meant that the very form of the state itself was shaped by
                    the labor movement. This process culminated in the corporatist welfare
                    state, in the period following World War II, in which negotiations between
                    capitalists, workers, and government were formalized (Tilly,  1984 ). For
                    example, although it is true that the women ’ s movement never completely
                    disappeared, following the extension of the vote to women in the early
                    twentieth century it was absorbed into mainstream politics. Women ’ s
                    groups worked either within the state, advising on liberal policy and lob-
                    bying ministers or, in the working - class movement, campaigning for better
                    social conditions for poor wives and mothers (Pugh,  1992 ). The more
                    lifestyle - oriented politics of the earlier links between feminism and social-
                    ism were marginalized to the point of extinction (see Taylor,  1983 ). As
                    sociological theory was established at the same time as these develop-
                    ments, sociologists were also led to focus on the state as the site of modern
                    politics and the labor movement as the dominant political force. This
                    resulted in the narrow understanding of politics in traditional political
                    sociology that we looked at in chapter  1 . Social movements that did not
                    resemble the labor movement, with its organized political parties and
                    instrumental demands for improved social conditions, tended to be ignored
                    as not political.
                         At the same time, it is important to note that social movements in
                    general share some of the features attributed to the  “ old ”  labor move-
                    ment. This is clearest when their organization is considered in detail. Some
                    aspects of the organization of new social movements do distinguish them
                    from formal political organizations, to the extent that the term  “ network ”
                    is often a better description than  “ organization. ”  They are often locally
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