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EXPERIENCE, EMPATHY AND STRATEGIC ESSENTIALISM 105

            racial  difference  was  registered  before  the  fifteenth  century  within  Western
                                   23
            understanding through sight,  in the nineteenth century it was to be rethought in
            terms of science (Gould, 1993; Stepan, 1993; Stepan and Gilman, 1993). In sum,
            two moments were uncritically interwoven when observable features, on the one
            hand,  and  underlying  claims  about  essential  true  nature  on  the  other,  were
            incorporated into an idea of ‘culture’.
              The  sixteenth  century  ended  in  a  fascination  with  spatial  mobility,  new
            resources and territories, manifested in the discovery of Europe’s alter ego, the
            American  utopia. 24  These  events  conditioned  the  manner  in  which  European
            thinkers  could  take  up  issues  of  identity  as  an  academic  problem,  a  political
            project and, at the individual level, as a personal struggle. In the late twentieth
            century, this project has been reformulated, not rescinded, by the deconstruction
            of science, contraction of global space, and destabilization of a European identity
            as  well  as  a  corollary  destabilization  of  the  identity  of  its  colonized  others 25
            (Harvey, 1990).
              Looking  at  culture  from  another  perspective,  literary  critic  Christopher
            Herbert argues for an analysis of the culture concept against the background of
            Victorian  England  (1991).  He  demonstrates  that  the  culture  concept  was  a
            counter-narrative  to  theological  beliefs  concerning  original  sin  and  its  inherent
            existence  in  man,  in  the  form  of  uncontrollable  desire. 26  Reading  the  texts  of
            Wesleyan missionaries in the South Pacific, Herbert traces the culture idea as it
            slides along a continuum from religion to secular science.
              The missionaries arrived with preconceptions and a conviction that the social
            lives  of  the  dark-skinned  islanders  were  characterized  by  behaviour  that
            represented the incarnation of sin and vice. In order to carry out their religious
            project,  the  missionaries  had  to  establish  a  rapport  with  their  prospective
            converts. They had to learn the local language which then became a vehicle of
            entry  into  the  society.  Specifically,  to  convert  the  locals  to  Christianity,  the
            missionaries had to become conscious of the existence of an order. Thinking in
            terms of culture consequently provided the key for a strategy of conversion:
              The  missionaries’  will  to  power  leads  directly  in  this  way  to  the  distinct
              formulation of the principle of the indivisible integrity of culture.
                                                          (Herbert, 1991:199)
            The  social  vocabulary  of  culture  is  thus  related  to  policies  of  domestication
            which required knowledge of a particular group of people. Viewing ‘culture’ as
            an organizing mechanism demonstrates the process through which the existence
            of  the  alien  other  might  be  comprehended  and  explained.  In  this  context,  I
            suggest  that  the  issue  of  how  difference  is  to  be  ‘grasped’  and  brought  under
            control  continues  to  be  both  an  exhausting  intellectual  project  as  well  as  an
            intractable administrative problem.
              In the ambiguous discourse of diversity, culture is still called upon to clarify
            different social practices and explain social antagonisms. When cleavages in the
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