Page 188 - Cultural Theory and Popular Culture an Introduction

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172 Chapter 8 ‘Race’, racism and representation

Orientalism can be discussed and analysed as the corporate institution for dealing
with the Orient – dealing with it by making statements about it, authorising views
of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, ruling over it: in short, Orientalism as
a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient
(ibid.).

In other words, Orientalism, a ‘system of ideological fiction’ (321), is a matter of
power. It is one of the mechanisms by which the West maintained its hegemony over
the Orient. This is in part achieved by an insistence on an absolute difference between
the West and the Orient, in which ‘the West ...is rational, developed, humane, super-
ior, and the Orient . . . is aberrant, undeveloped, inferior’ (300).
How does all this, in more general terms, relate to the study of popular culture? It
is not too difficult to see how imperial fictions might be better understood using the
approach developed by Said. There are basically two imperial plot structures. First, stor-
ies that tell of white colonizers succumbing to the primeval power of the jungle and,
as the racist myth puts it, ‘going native’. Kurtz of both Heart of Darkness and Apocalypse
Now is such a figure. Then there are stories of whites, who because of the supposed
power of their racial heredity impose themselves on the jungle and its inhabitants.
‘Tarzan’ (novels, films and myth) is the classic representation of this imperial fiction.
From the perspective of Orientalism both narratives tell us a great deal more about the
desires and anxieties of the culture of imperialism than they can ever tell us about the
people and places of colonial conquest. What the approach does is to shift the focus of
attention away from what and where the narratives are about to the ‘function’ that they
may serve to the producers and consumers of such fictions. It prevents us from slipping
into a form of naive realism: that is, away from a focus on what the stories tell us about
Africa or the Africans, to what such representations tell us about Europeans and
Americans. In effect, it shifts our concern from ‘how’ the story is told to ‘why’, and from
those whom the story is about to those who tell and consume the story.
Hollywood’s Vietnam, the way it tells the story of America’s war in Vietnam, is in
many ways a classic example of a particular form of Orientalism. Rather than the sil-
ence of defeat, there has been a veritable ‘incitement’ to talk about Vietnam. America’s
most unpopular war has become its most popular when measured in discursive and
commercial terms. Although America no longer has ‘authority over’ Vietnam, it con-
tinues to hold authority over Western accounts of America’s war in Vietnam. Holly-
wood as a ‘corporate institution’ deals with Vietnam ‘by making statements about it,
authorising views of it, describing it, by teaching it’. Hollywood has ‘invented’ Vietnam
as a ‘contrasting image’ and a ‘surrogate and . . . underground self’ of America. In this
way Hollywood – together with other discursive practices, such as songs, novels, TV
serials, etc. – has succeeded in producing a very powerful discourse on Vietnam: telling
America and the world that what happened there, happened because Vietnam is like
that. These different discourses are not just about Vietnam; they may increasingly
constitute for many Americans the experience of Vietnam. They may become the war
itself.