Page 84 - Cultural Theory and Popular Culture an Introduction
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                 68   Chapter 4 Marxisms

                      Adorno claims? Simon Frith (1983) provides sales figures that suggest not: ‘despite the
                      difficulties of the calculations . . . most business commentators agree that about 10 per
                      cent of all records released (a little less for singles, a little more for LPs) make money’
                      (147). In addition to this, only about another 10 per cent cover their costs (ibid.). This
                      means that about 80 per cent of records actually lose money. Moreover, Paul Hirsch
                      has calculated that at least 60 per cent of singles released are never played by anyone
                      (cited in Frith, 1983: 147). This does not suggest the workings of an all-powerful cul-
                      ture industry, easily able to manipulate its consumers. It sounds more like a culture
                      industry  trying  desperately  to  sell  records  to  a  critical  and  discriminating  public.
                      Such  figures  certainly  imply  that  consumption  is  rather  more  active  than  Adorno’s
                      argument suggests. Subcultural use of music is clearly at the leading edge of such active
                      discrimination,  but  is  by  no  means  the  only  example.  Finally,  does  popular  music
                      really  function  as  social  cement?  Subcultures  or  music  taste  cultures,  for  instance,
                      would appear to consume popular music in a way not too dissimilar to Adorno’s ideal
                      mode for the consumption of ‘serious music’. Richard Dyer (1990) argues that this is
                      certainly the case with regard to the gay consumption of disco. He detects a certain
                      romanticism in disco that keeps alive a way of being that is always in conflict with the
                      mundane  and  the  everyday.  As  he  explains,  ‘Romanticism  asserts  that  the  limits  of
                      work and domesticity are not the limits of experience’ (417).
                         The  analysis  offered  by  the  majority  of  the  Frankfurt  School  works  with  a  series
                      of binary oppositions held in place by the supposed fundamental difference between
                      culture and mass culture (Table 4.2).
                         Walter Benjamin’s (1973) essay ‘The work of art in the age of mechanical reproduc-
                      tion’ is much more optimistic about the possibility of a revolutionary transformation
                      of capitalism. He claims that capitalism will ‘ultimately ...create conditions which
                      would  make  it  possible  to  abolish  capitalism  itself’  (219).  Benjamin  believes  that
                      changes in the technological reproduction of culture are changing the function of cul-
                      ture in society: ‘technical reproduction can put the copy of the original into situations
                      which would be out of reach for the original itself’ (222). Reproduction thus chal-
                      lenges what Benjamin calls the ‘aura’ of texts and practices.





                       Table 4.2 ‘Culture’ and ‘mass culture’ according to the Frankfurt School.

                       Culture                           Mass culture

                       Real                              False
                       European                          American
                       Multi-dimensional                 One-dimensional
                       Active consumption                Passive consumption
                       Individual creation               Mass production
                       Imagination                       Distraction
                       Negation                          Social cement
   79   80   81   82   83   84   85   86   87   88   89