Page 324 - Cultural Studies of Science Education
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298                                              S. Semken and E. Brandt

              Yet since the closure of the Magma Mine in the 1990s, residents are experiencing
            some of the consequences commonly reported in displaced people:
              land-lessness … joblessness … homelessness … marginalisation … food insecurity …
              increased morbidity … loss of access to common property resources; and … community
              disarticulation. (Cernea 2000, p. 3662)

            We were repeatedly told of marriage breakups, unemployment, lack of food secu-
            rity,  depression,  hopelessness,  increased  rates  of  substance  abuse,  increased
            crime, loss of land and homes, and impoverishment after the final closure of the
            Magma Mine. Superior not only lost most of its population and economic base
            with the loss of the mine; it also lost most of its cultural resources: shops, com-
            munity  organizations,  and  events.  Older  residents  still  mourn  the  loss  of  this
            multicultural vibrancy, but remain fiercely loyal to the town and hopeful for its
            future.  Some  community  organizations,  such  as  a  chamber  of  commerce,  art
            league, museum, and Ballet Folklorico, still remain; and Superior still celebrates
            many traditional events with parades, dinners, and dances. In the last 2 years,
            several new businesses have opened in its downtown, signifying optimism for the
            survival of the town.
              The leaders of Superior have decided that they never again want to be dependent
            upon a single economic engine, and have begun to explore the possibilities of an
            artist community and ecotourism, both of which have taken root in and helped to
            sustain former mining towns in other parts of Arizona and the southwest USA.
            RCM has expressed its support for a more diverse and sustainable economy and has
            funded  some  educational  and  community-development  initiatives,  including  a
            planned historic trail that would link Superior to a nearby state park and a well-used
            cross-state hiking trail. Still, a recent poll (Merrill 2007) indicated that most resi-
            dents  of  Superior  and  neighboring  towns  strongly  endorse  development  of  the
            Resolution mine as the surest route to renewed prosperity.
              Many Superior residents have expressed opinions that Apache and Yavapai
            opposition to the mine project is illegitimate, because the land in question is not
            part of their federally designated reservation. Forcibly removed to more distant
            parts  of  Arizona  in  the  nineteenth  century,  the  original  inhabitants  of  the
            Superior area are now viewed as outsiders by many residents whose own fami-
            lies arrived much later, but who have resided here continuously ever since: “We
            don’t tell them [the Apache] what to do. Why do they come here and try to tell
            us what to do?”.
              It is interesting to note that a majority of the local participants in this dispute
            come from underrepresented minority groups that have experienced displacement
            and relocation at some point in their histories. Nevertheless, a common misconcep-
            tion of many non-Natives is that because the Yavapai and Apache no longer occupy
            Oak Flat, and because their continued visits for ceremonial or family purposes are
            not readily apparent to townspeople, that the Native Americans had no concern for
            the place until RCM showed interest in it; whereupon they saw an economic or
            political advantage in opposing the mine project.
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