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146 MEDIA STUDIES

            Others are referred to only as a collective—‘the militants’ motion…’. Not only
            are  they presented without credentials  but their  representativeness is  either
            heavily qualified or denied. Those opposing the policy of wage restraint within
            the Parliamentary Labour Party were presented as a localized grouping, as ‘the
            left wing of the Labour Party’. In the coverage of the Scottish TUC Conference
            the Scottish TUC was not only localized but also presented as having ‘no real
            significance in the decision-making process’.
              It is principally the verbal discourse which accomplishes the classification of
            activists,  a classification  which  separates  out the legitimate and acceptable
            activists from the illegitimate and unacceptable. As we have already suggested,
            these classifications are the effects  of  the adoption of a certain political
            perspective: that is,  a certain way of understanding already given political
            positions. Any classification of positions is possible only on the condition that a
            system of classification already  exists. The system of classification by  which
            television news  identified and placed the  forces  involved in  the economic
            struggles of the last few years did not spring uniquely from the broadcasters’
            professional ‘know-how’. Nor did  it emerge  ‘from the outside’, a wholly
            independent  perspective. It is, rather, the reproduction  of a system of
            classification already ingrained  in the  institutional  procedures for  the
            management of the clash of opposing activists.
              The perspective adopted by the news bulletins was, as we have said, that of the
            Government and the TUC in as much as they were its principal advocates. The
            adoption and reproduction of this perspective did not result, however, from a
            conspiracy  between broadcasting, the  state and the  hegemonic  organs of  civil
            society, such as  the  TUC. Television  journalists do not have to be  explicitly
            instructed, as a rule, in how to classify appropriately the protagonists of a given
            situation and the positions they advance. As we have seen, the Government’s
            interpretation of the causes of inflation was accepted without question. It was a
            premise of the coverage, and the proposed solution,  wage  restraint or the
            lowering of ‘real’ wages, was thus made to appear a ‘natural’ consequence. Only
            the opposed interpretations were questioned and made to appear ‘unreasonable’,
            the product of ‘militant’ self-interestedness. In part, the unqualified acceptance
            of the Government’s logic  proceeded from  its  status as the ‘elected
            representatives  of the people’. But this  is  not  a sufficient condition;  the
            Government’s handling of inflation was questioned and probed, especially in the
            current affairs programmes, though not in a fundamental way. Its position was
            accepted, principally, because the  broadcasters  shared its logic. For both
            broadcasters and the Government it seemed  ‘obvious’ that the prices of
            commodities are determined or regulated by wages. It was the acceptance of this
            ‘antiquated fallacy’ which placed the broadcasters, the Government and the TUC
            on the same side.
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