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                 and Terry Eagleton’s  Criticism and Ideology (New Left Books 1976). See the
                 recent discussion in Williams’s Marxism and Literature and T.Bennett’s Marxism
                 and Formalism (Metheun 1979).
             102 Hall, Clarke, Critcher, Jefferson and Roberts, Policing the Crisis: ‘Mugging’, the
                 State and Law and Order (Macmillan 1978).
             103 In the highly charged sectarian atmosphere which has sometimes disfigured these
                 debates critical distinctions were frequently lost: for example, on  one  side  the
                 distinction between the ‘empirical’ moment in an analysis and ‘Empiricism’: on the
                 other side that between the ‘theoretical’ and ‘Theoreticism’. These have turned out
                 to  be mirror-images of one another. But  it has  not always  proved easy  to get
                 beyond them.
             104 From ‘Problems of Marxism’, in Prison Notebooks, pp. 438–9. These final pages,
                 which reveal the distinct  influence of  Gramsci’s work and example, very much
                 reflect the author’s position and should not perhaps be taken— except in general
                 terms—as representing the Centre.
             105 This is a difficult truth to learn but a hard and inescapable material fact: a point
                 where the  built-in  ‘idealism’ of even radical  intellectual work encounters  the
                 conditions of a real practice. Young researchers, rightly impatient for a change,
                 have not always found it easy to appreciate the gap which divides the formulation
                 of new goals from the transformation of a real practice. The result is sometimes
                 that pessimism/optimism  oscillation about which Gramsci was so  eloquent and
                 which led him to insist on ‘pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will’.
             106 This is not the place or time to enter in detail into a discussion of how these factors
                 have hampered us or of the crises and ruptures they precipitate from time to time.
                 But their real effectivity should not be minimized in any full account. They have
                 been and are divisive—and there are no short-cut resolutions to them. Others who
                 set out on a similar path should in no way underestimate their cost.
             107 The slogan is most frequently invoked by one side to stop the other from doing
                 something—‘thinking’ or ‘doing’. It reflects the fatal empiricism/ theoreticism split
                 and, behind that, the social division of labour. The error arises from assuming that,
                 some time long ago—in the ‘age of innocence’, perhaps—theory and practice were
                 inextricably united, and it is the ‘bad faith’ of one side or the other which wilfully
                 divides  them. The fact  is that in  the  present  social division of labour they are
                 remorselessly divided and separated, so that their ‘unity’ can only be produced as a
                 result: it is the result of an effective articulation, about which there can be no prior
                 guarantees. But here, as elsewhere, teleological thinking has made its mark—not
                 least of all on the Left. The result is a widespread inability to develop a proper
                 understanding of  the role  of intellectuals  and the  place of intellectual work.
                 Either Theory is everything—giving intellectuals a vanguard role which they do
                 not deserve—or Practice is everything—which results in intellectuals denying their
                 function in an effort to pass themselves off as ‘something else’ (workers, agitators,
                 urban guerrillas). One of the deep problems for the Centre has been finding and
                 sustaining a proper, disciplined understanding of the place, possibilities, limits and
                 conditions of the ‘intellectual  function’ in our society (the importance of the
                 ‘intellectual function’, as  Gramsci has  defined it,  is  not the same thing as  the
                 importance of intellectuals as a social category!).
             108 From Prison Notebooks, p. 334.
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