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                     CULTURE, SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

                     not affected by the fact that the system of global corporate capital is far
                     more powerful than any single nation–state – including the most powerful.
                     This is because, global or not, corporate capital is still capital – that is, like
                     all capital it remains based on private ownership of the means of produc-
                     tion and therefore is driven by market competition. A critical part of this
                     competition remains the battle to hold on to one’s home market while
                     seizing hold of as much of the market of other nations as possible. Indeed,
                     globalization has made this competition between transnational corpora-
                     tions for global market share more intense than ever. Loss of one’s home
                     market – due to trade deficits, or current account deficits, currency depre-
                     ciation or non-economic factors – is a crucial strategic loss in this battle,
                     quite apart from its political consequences. It is therefore absolutely
                     essential for transnational corporations and global finance to be able to
                     mobilize their own nation–state or regional bloc or multilateral agency –
                     the European Union, the Group of Seven meetings of the main developed
                     countries, the International Monetary Fund or the World Trade
                     Organization – on their private behalf. Moreover, in the very nature of
                     monopoly, victory is neither sought nor won by resorting simply to tradi-
                     tional competitive means. Threats, power politics, militarism, geopolitics –
                     all means foul and fair – now become standard operating procedure. The
                     conflict between the European Union and the United States and the finely
                     calibrated political counter-response on steel tariffs vividly demonstrated
                     the close inter-connections between these geo-economic and geopolitical
                     realities. Likewise for recent divisions between the United States and
                     Britain, on the one hand, and France, Germany and Russia, on the other.
                     Adopting an internationalist perspective is therefore not a matter of aban-
                     doning national politics. It is a matter of understanding how such politics
                     are pursued. National politics now has to be pursued within a context of
                     the new, much more strongly integrated, international systems if it is to
                     be effective. National politics has to operate within and be a part of a truly
                     global politics.
                        It is striking that nowhere in the analyses by Lash and Urry or any other
                     theorist of the ‘new economy’, was the emergence of the anti-globalization
                     movement anticipated. One critical reason why Lash and Urry failed to
                     grasp this central economic and political reality has to do with their con-
                     ceptualization of international finance capital as a series of ‘flows’ which
                     move now in this direction, now that, completely disregarding national
                     frontiers. 48  But surely it should be obvious that these ‘flows’ move in
                     certain channels directed by transnational corporations and in the inter-
                     national currency and capital markets controlled by the large Japanese,
                     American and German investment banks? It is hardly the case that such


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