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                     CULTURE, SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

                     conclude their introduction to  Economies of  Signs and Space  with the
                     following gloomy prognostication which recalls some of their earlier
                     formulations in End of Organized Capitalism:

                        Disorganized capitalism disorganizes everything. Nothing is fixed, given,
                        and certain, while everything rests upon much greater knowledge and
                        information, on institutionalized reflexivity. People are increasingly knowl-
                        edgeable about just how little they do know. Such increasingly uncontrolled
                        economies of signs and space are inconceivable without extraordinarily
                        complex and ever-developing forms of information, knowledge and
                        aesthetic judgments. The unintended consequences of reflexivity – that is,
                        the effect of reflexive agency on increasingly contingent structure – often
                        lead to yet further disorganization. 24

                     In other words, the crisis persists, perhaps on an even more daunting and
                     thoroughgoing basis – indeed, aggravated by the rise of ‘disorganized’
                     capitalism.
                        Lash and Urry rightly sense that, indeed, the overall direction of
                     world economic and social development is laying the only possible foun-
                     dation for the re-constitution of the coherence of the liberal subject
                     through the growth of a new international division of labor. They sense,
                     in other words, the salient paradox of our age – that individuality today
                     can only have the scope and depth which it has because it is based on an
                     immense sociality. They sense the limitations in the traditional liberal
                     concept of individuality as based on the autonomy of the subject from social
                     ties (conceived of as ‘constraints’) in the sense of the ‘negative’ liberty of
                                                    25
                     Isaiah Berlin, as Lukes points out. But they do not see how they can go
                     beyond this concept and retain their liberal values. They thus fail to grasp
                     that, in contrast to the liberal bourgeois conceptions of individuality –
                     associated with one brand of nineteenth-century liberalism – modern indi-
                     viduality is unique precisely because of the extensive social relations on
                     which it is founded and on which it depends.
                        This adherence to a notion of individuality which derives from one
                     particular historical experience of liberal bourgeois economy and society
                     and which has certainly not been tenable since the beginning of the
                     twentieth century, if not earlier, is at the heart of their difficulty. Indeed,
                     Lukes points out that this view represents only one particular part of the
                     liberal tradition – mainly that derived from the British experience. There
                     is an equally important tradition associated with Rousseau which is pre-
                     occupied with the issue of the connection between individuality and
                     sociality – with the social basis of individuality. This line of reasoning is
                     embodied in Marx’s outlook – not only in his earliest writings but right


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