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                                             CAPITALISM ORGANIZED AND DISORGANIZED

                and individual rationality, however small, in a world which has become
                profoundly hostile to liberal values of any kind. Economies of Signs and
                Space is Lash and Urry’s Protestant Ethic with ‘reflexivity’ now supposed
                to carve out the space in which the threatened liberal subject can nervously
                survive.
                  The fact that Lash and Urry, like Weber, raise the issue of monopoly
                capital in this abstract form of the levels of ‘organization’ (or ‘bureau-
                cracy’) of ‘society’ and not of capitalism per se makes it difficult for them to
                come to grips with the phenomenon with which they are dealing. Lash and
                Urry’s emendation of Weber makes matters worse in one sense. At least
                in Weber’s case it was easy to ‘translate’ bureaucracy into monopoly
                capital and thereby to understand more comprehensively the reasons for
                the rise of bureaucracy, the collapse of the liberal bourgeois competitive
                economy and with it the liberal democratic political project – the accom-
                panying breakdown of the inner coherence of the bourgeois self and the
                rise of modernist disenchantment. Indeed, it is not hard to place certain
                aspects of Weber’s ideas within the general context of the body of literature
                at the end of the nineteenth or early twentieth century, which includes
                writers such as Hobson, Hilferding, Rosa Luxemburg, Kautsky, Bukharin,
                Lenin, and, from another angle, Freud, although, as was to be expected,
                Weber himself resolutely resisted any such contextualization. In particular,
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                as Mommsen points out, Weber was opposed to Marxist theories of the
                concentration of capital from which the entire theory of monopoly and
                finance capital as well as of imperialism springs. If anything, Weber was
                more open to the views of ‘evolutionary socialism’ put forward by Bernstein,
                according to which the growth of monopoly (‘organized’) capital – cartels
                and the like – opened the possibility for a more harmonious capitalism
                which would be self-regulating – a capitalism evolving towards socialism. 12
                This is ironic for, as has often been pointed out, Hilferding’s notions of
                ‘organized capitalism’ sowed similarly fatal evolutionary illusions among
                Social Democrats in Weimar Germany. 13
                  Notwithstanding this attitude on the part of Weber, the fact remains
                that he was dealing with the same problems posed for liberalism by the
                supersession of liberal competitive capitalism by monopoly capitalism, but
                dealing with them from a liberal-conservative viewpoint. Pace Weber’s
                well-known sardonic remarks ridiculing socialist critiques of the anarchy
                of production under capitalism and his argument that socialism only
                aggravated the problems of bureaucracy which had developed under
                monopoly capitalism and that, therefore, socialism was bound to lead to the
                final loss of all personal freedom – all these viewpoints notwithstanding,
                Weber’s problematic places him squarely within this body of literature. 14


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