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                     CULTURE, SOCIETY AND ECONOMY

                     undermining many old verities of the post-war social democratic welfare
                     nation–state, at the same time was part of a new ‘organizing’ moment of
                     monopoly and finance capital on an unprecedented global scale. It was
                     therefore far from being the case that the hegemony of monopoly and
                     finance capital was being ‘disorganized’ by small-scale production of the
                     old liberal or ‘new economy’ sort. As Lash and Urry’s discussion of
                     finance capital itself indicated, what was really occurring (as far as the
                     British economy was concerned) was the subordination of British capital
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                     in the City of London by American and Japanese finance capital. What
                     was occurring was the displacement of an earlier, less ‘organized’ form of
                     what Cain and Hopkins famously characterized as ‘gentlemanly capital-
                     ism’ by an even more highly ‘organized’ form of finance and monopoly
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                     capital. It was not a matter of ‘disorganization’ but of the re-structuring
                     and re-organization of capitalism on a grander, global scale. This point is
                     easier to see now, when the economic consequences of the entire process
                     have played themselves out more fully and the geo-political conse-
                     quences as well. No great effort has to be mounted today to convince that
                     this entire process has culminated in a new round of naked imperialist
                     aggression. But when Lash and Urry wrote, the dot.com surge seemed
                     unstoppable and it was by no means obvious that this would be the
                     course which events would take.
                        Hence their work (both books taken together) stresses throughout the
                     chaotic and dissolving consequences of the radical free market policies of
                     Thatcher and even of the ‘new economy’. In the first work in particular,
                     Lash and Urry document in detail the dismantling of the post-war wel-
                     fare state then unfolding with full force in Britain and spreading to the
                     rest of the European continent. Their work is therefore characterized by
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                     the same profound pessimism which suffuses the work of Giddens and
                     which has already been noted. This is less so in the second work –
                     Economies of Signs and Space – than in the first. This difference between
                     the two works is important because this second work is conceived of as
                     having found a solution to the problems posed in the earlier work but
                     whose solution eluded Lash and Urry at that time. Here is a characteristic
                     passage:

                        The abstraction, meaninglessness, challenges to tradition and history
                        issued by modernism have been driven to the extreme in postmodernism.
                        On these counts neo-conservative analysts and many Marxists are in
                        accord. In any event not just are the analyses surprisingly convergent, but
                        so too are the pessimistic prognoses.
                           Now much of this pessimism is appropriate. But it is part of the aim of
                        this book to argue that there is a way out. It is to claim the sort of


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