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                                                            GLOBALIZATION AND RISKS

                  The basic issue, therefore, which is not addressed in risk society
                theory is what to do about this concentration of power at the global and
                national center. The issue is the provision of really existing everyday
                material and social equality and power to ordinary people, both at the
                national and the global levels, without which meaningful changes at the
                community levels – as advocated by risk society theory – cannot be mean-
                ingful. In the absence of measures which address this concentration of
                real power at the center, it is difficult to see how any attempt to construct
                a modern ‘organic solidarity’ will be effective. Recent evidence indicates
                that this failure to address basic production relations is already having a
                predictable effect. Under the Blair regime, Third Way policies have led to
                a significant expansion of inequalities, to the persistence of major social
                problems and to a significant undermining of the Blair project itself. 22
                It is unlikely that the $65 billion social expenditure program of the
                Chancellor of the Exchequer announced in 2000 affected the trend
                towards growing income inequality. 23
                  Giddens senses that his approach may not be viable. This is the sig-
                nificance of the priority which he gives to the concept of ‘risk’. But this
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                notion minimizes, even trivializes, the enormity of the challenge which
                hundreds of millions of people around the world face today at the global,
                national and local levels. For these millions, it is far from being the
                case  that life in the main is positive but there are some clouds on the
                horizon – some ‘risks’. For these millions, the crises of impoverishment,
                unemployment, hunger and disease are not at all secondary features of
                life which can be avoided by careful calculation – by ‘reflexivity’. On the
                contrary, poverty and hardship are the very core of their life experience.
                Oppression and exploitation inhere intractably in the basic structures and
                processes of global society and cannot be so easily disposed of by concepts
                such as ‘risk’.
                  Giddens argues that in the main the opposition to globalization derives
                from the fact that it necessarily undermines non-rationalistic traditions and
                ancient ways of life sanctioned by age-old customs and religions. This is the
                explanation which he presents for the growth of fundamentalism – either
                Islamic or Christian. Fundamentalism is presented as a reaction against
                modernity. There is obviously an element of truth to this argument but it
                by no means emphasizes the main truth. The truth of Giddens’s argument
                lies in the fact that both Christian and Islamic fundamentalism in fact face
                a common enemy: the national and globally dominant finance capital. Still,
                politically, these are two  radically  different phenomena. Christian funda-
                mentalism in the United States arises in a highly developed capitalist society
                among groups – often sections of the white working class – who have been


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