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                                             CAPITALISM ORGANIZED AND DISORGANIZED

                of ‘reflexivity’, they sense that, as usual and paradoxically, it is the very
                development of capitalism itself – this time on a global and truly vast social
                scale – which is laying the foundation for a new social order in which indi-
                vidual freedom thrives on a very broad social basis. But they do not see
                that the bars of our contemporary global iron cage are even ‘harder than
                Krupp steel’.
                  Lash and Urry are prevented from seeing this by the abstraction of the
                concept of ‘organized’ capitalism which fails to deeply capture the pecu-
                liar combination of monopoly and competition which is the hallmark of
                monopoly capitalism. Such theories overlook the fact that capitalism is at
                one and the same time both ‘organized’ and ‘disorganized’. It is organized
                in that, since the nineteenth century and especially today, it has achieved
                unprecedented levels of concentration of capital, of a far deeper interna-
                tional division of labor – an immense level of socialization of production.
                On the other hand, it is ‘disorganized’ by the persistence of private own-
                ership of the means of production and by the world market. The acuteness
                of this contradiction – at a pitch never seen in human history before – is at
                the root of the problems of our age.
                  In this connection and as an aside, it is worth noting that too much
                attention has been riveted on the issue of free versus regulated trade.
                Monopoly and finance capital proceeds and dominates in both, prefers
                now one, now another, as the conditions of market competition change.
                In the United States – since the 1980s the bastion of neo-liberalism and
                the Washington Consensus – the tradition of economic policy historically
                has been a protectionist one. One only has to go back to the McKinley
                Tariff in the nineteenth century for this to become clear. Today, opposi-
                tion is growing to Free Trade in the bourgeoisie itself – for example, in
                the group around the financier George Soros – as these lines are being
                written. Much is being made of the necessity to have ‘fair’ and not sim-
                ply ‘free’ trade and of the need to regulate the global financial markets
                because of the fear of ‘contagion’ – the dangerous experiences of the
                Mexican Crisis of 1994–95 and of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1998.
                When one develops a balance of trade deficit of over $500 billion dollars
                ($120 billion with China alone in 2003) and one’s currency begins
                the inevitable slide, neo-liberal free trade dogmas suddenly lose their
                attractiveness!
                  Because Lash and Urry characterize the state of affairs abstractly in a
                manner which misses the critical features of the modern economy, they
                are unable to understand how this globalization is also a process of the
                extension of the social division of labor on a global scale which opens the
                door to a solution to the problem which grips them. When to this is


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