Page 177 - Culture Society and the Media
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NEGOTIATION OF CONTROL IN THE MEDIA  167
              The people  at the networks say they want something fresh, they want
              something new, they want something different. You  come in with
              something new, fresh and different. You work on it a little more and they
              say, wait a minute—that’s a little too different. They pay lip-service to the
              idea of originality but in actuality the activity takes place along areas that are
              somewhat familiar to them. They  will  buy  anything they can relate to
              success. They don’t want it exactly like it was before. If you wanted to do
              a western that was similar to ‘Gunsmoke’ but not ‘Gunsmoke’, you are in
              pretty good  shape. But if you  do something that  is totally different or
              something that is exactly ‘Gunsmoke’ chances are you are dead. (Cantor,
              1971, pp. 128–9)

            Paralysed by  the ferocious  competition in which they engage, the networks
            respond  by minimizing all  possible risks, hedging all  bets.  Every  year  they
            commission about 100 pilot shows for projected new series. These shows are
            then rigorously pre-tested according to the  most sophisticated  marketing
            techniques available, vetted in special annual screening sessions by the biggest
            advertisers, and finally weeded down to the twenty or twenty-five which are most
            likely to deliver the goods. The networks commission work to detailed and rigid
            specifications in terms of established formulae, and particularly of those which
            succeeded best in the previous season.
              The image of the audience The economic mechanism is closely linked to
            organizational perceptions of audience requirements and behaviour. However,
            the relationship of media organizations and communicators to their audience is
            essentially ambiguous: Tracey (1978) defined it as an ‘absent framework’ in his
            study of the production of political television in Britain. Indeed, there is a sense
            in which the organization can be said to develop a model of the audience to suit
            its own needs:

              It can be shown that the role of the audience extends beyond the creation
              and the contents of the mass media product, but affects the structure and
              the culture of the mass media industries themselves…. Every mass media
              creator, whatever his skill, is to some degree dependent on the validity of his
              audience image for his status and standing in the industry. (Gans, 1957, p.
              322)

            This  struggle—between  the communicator’s image of the  audience,  and the
            organizational or institutional image of an audience or society in whose name the
            organization has  been constructed—is  illustrated by a particular form  of
            transaction which emerged in the late 1970s.
              A disastrous 1975–6 American television season, in which ratings indicated
            average viewing down by nine to fifteen minutes a day, and in which sixteen of
            the  twenty-seven new shows launched at  the beginning of the season were
            cancelled and replaced, led to speculation about the possi bility of a change in
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