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POWER

               same time the word retains much of its force as a term from ordinary
               language.
                  The latter usage derives from theories of political economy, which
               understood power as emanating from the monarch – a single source of
               power, the exercise of which was founded on threat of death, both
               internal (execution) and external (war). Monarchical power did not
               have to be exercised by a monarch – the system still worked when
               ‘abstracted’ to, for example, the law(internal) and the state (external).
                  Fundamentally this concept of power was based on scarcity; there
               was not enough of it to go around. If you wanted it, you had to take it
               from someone who had it. If you didn’t have it, you were confined to
               your ‘lack’ of it by repression (ultimately, fear of death). This
               conceptualisation probably remains at the heart of the common-sense
               (ordinary language) use of the term.
                  The classic political economy approach (power as a scarce resource)
               was the mental map inherited by Marxism, which shifted the focus
               from ethno-territorial sovereignty to the social landscape of
               industrialisation. The Marxists sawpower as emanating from
               productive forces, i.e. capital and labour. They understood that,
               compared to previous epochs (feudalism, slavery), capitalism was a
               progressive force in society, and also that without capital there would
               be no working or ‘productive’ class. But despite this Marxism persisted
               in thinking about the relations between these two forces as a zero-sum
               game whereby one side had power and the other side lacked it. So for
               Marxism class antagonism took the form of one class dominating and
               repressing another, using the ultimate fear of death (coercion) as well as
               intermediate strategies of sovereignty, such as the law, divide and rule,
               patronage, hegemony, etc. The point was that power was still
               something to be taken from someone else, and exercised over them. In
               contemporary cultural theory, the model persists, but the place of
               ‘class’ in ‘class struggle’ has been taken over by any of a number of soi
               disant oppressed or repressed groups, from women and ethnic
               populations to people identified by their sexual preference, age or
               identity.
                  Foucault broke with this scenario in order to take seriously the
               effects of modernisation, and the changes brought about by the
               productive force of both capital and labour, acting on both the natural
               and the social world, in an expansive cycle of growth. His own work
               focused on studies of madness, incarceration and sexuality. From these he
               formulated theories of truth (knowledge), power (how‘we constitute
               ourselves as subjects acting on others’) and the self (ethics) (see
               Foucault, 1984: 351–352).

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