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CULTURAL CAPITAL

               the challenge of using creative inputs to support core business.
               Furthermore, entire industries have emerged to support the creative
               sector, including impresarios, agents, management companies, pub-
               licists, events and exhibition managers, and knowledge and cultural
               entrepreneurs (see Leadbeater and Oakley, 1999).

               CULTURAL CAPITAL


               The theory of cultural capital argues that, like economic wealth, access
               to and possession of cultural and symbolic power work to produce and
               reinforce social distinctions. The term was first employed by Bourdieu
               (1984). The theory outlines howeducation, taste and systematic
               patterns of consumption of cultural goods are not only socially
               stratified, but are also productive sources of power in their own right.
               Evaluations based on taste distinctions have turned out to have
               economic and status consequences – pecking orders were established
               by howmuch cultural as well as economic capital a class or individual
               could command.
                  Fiske (1987) attempts to overcome the dystopian nature of
               Bourdieu’s thesis by introducing the term popular cultural capital.
               He argues that this form of capital ‘is an accumulation of meanings and
               pleasures that serves the interests of the subordinate’ (1987: 18). With
               popular cultural capital, individuals are able to form subjectivities
               based on an opposition to dominant values, or as he states, find ‘power
               in being different’ (1987: 19). For Fiske, television and its traditional
               genres are symbolic of this process.
                  This populist tone is absent in the work of Bourdieu and
               subsequent studies that have followed his approach (see for example
               Bennett et al., 1999). In these approaches, the stance of the authors
               themselves may de-legitimate the culture of those under analysis
               because of their own investment in cultural capital. For example,
               Bennett et al. comment with surprise that ‘[i]t may carry just as much
               kudos at a dinner party to showthat you know the current line-up of
               the Spice Girls as to knowthe name of Philip Glass’ latest
               composition’ (1987: 200).
                  With theories of class currently undergoing reconsideration, the
               notion of cultural capital may too need re-examining. As the above
               example demonstrates, knowledge workers may share prejudices
               against or ignorance of popular culture, and so serve to reproduce
               cultural capital along very traditional lines. But simply inverting
               established taste hierarchies, or assigning positive evaluations to


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