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192 Helga Kotthoff

important in the Soviet era to distinguish themselves from other Soviet peoples,
and one possibility to communicate this distinction was achieved by including a
religious dimension in their toasts.
In the data presented above, we find that a high degree of formality, pathos,
the explicit communication of values such as ‘clan orientation’, expressed in re-
ligious undertones and references to transcendent reality, as well as explicit
praise of the guests, are dimensions that characterize the Georgian toasts by
their presence, and the German toast by their absence.
In Georgia the communciation of honor (pativi) is ominpresent in everyday
life and is often directly expressed: I give you pativi. On my view, this is a
special case of “positive politeness” as it has been described by Brown and
Levinson (1987) and debated by Matsumoto (1988), Foley (1997), Spencer-
Oatey (2000a) and others. Giving and receiving pativi takes place not primarily
in reference to the individual but to his or her social network. Morally laden net-
works of social obligation play a large role in all aspects of everyday life. Dis-
plays of honor, esteem and deference are part of the give and take of extended
families. Thus, the dichotomy of collectivism and individualism often cited in
intercultural research is quite plausible. However, some researches, like Hof-
stede (1991), overlook the need to “do” both, in the sense of ethnomethodology.
One should not invoke such concepts in order to essentialize a difference, but
rather show how they acquire relevance within a community of practice (which
might for some activities extend to the level of a nation), bearing in mind that
the dichotomy does not characterize societies absolutely, and that mixed forms
are likely to be found.
Goffman, too, has emphasized that the Western concept of “face” is oriented
to the concept of the individual, with his particular freedom of action and his
personal need for acknowledgment, not as a concept of the collective. Cultures
of the East did not, in general, become collective just by virtue of the socialist
phases some of them experienced. Rather, one important historical factor was
that they did not develop a Weberian “protestant ethic,” which in many Western
societies brought in an enhanced dose of individualism (Hahn 1994).
In closing, let me summarize some observations that result from the ethno-
graphic study of ritual and style in German–Georgian situations with guests,
particularly at meals. In recent times both cultures have had considerable con-
tact, and it is not necessary to expect that their different behavioural norms must
lead to irritation and tensions. As has been noted by Bührig and ten Thije
(2006), in intercultural encounters a wide variety of perceptions, from positive
enrichment to rejection, can be found, varying according to context as well as
the type and length of the encounter. In the points below I continue to speak of
relations between Georgians and Germans, but in fact most observations would
hold for encounters between individuals from the former Soviet Union and
those from Western cultures.