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              is not an uncommon subtext in behavioral political science. Most closely
              allied, and spanning the boundary between rational and behavioral
              theories, are models of informational satisficing that posit that certain
              formsofbehaviorcanbeinterpretedaseffortstoavoidtheneedtoacquire
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              costlyinformationbyemployingvariousshort-cutsandheuristics. The
              concept of information as a cost of political action is also echoed in one of
              the explanations of the relationship between education and engagement.
              In such explanations, information is often understood as a prerequisite to
              active participation; therefore, those with more education are more likely
              to have both prior information relevant to an action and the capacity to
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              acquire new information. Similarly, explanations of the mechanisms by
              which elites and social networks mobilize citizens often are based on the
              assumption that mobilization involves the subsidization of information
              costs. 16
                 One of the most important features of the classical Downsian model
              for understanding the implications of the instrumental approach to in-
              formation is dealing with the dilemma of a priori attention. The central
              feature of this dilemma is that it is apparently impossible for an individ-
              ual to know which pieces of information are most relevant to a political
              choice without first knowing the content of all information. That is, for
              the would-be rational actor to calculate the marginal return from gather-
              ing additional information apparently requires first knowing the content
              of the information. To escape this dilemma, Downs argues, individuals
              establish “a few gatherers and transmitters [of information] and mold
              them into a personal information-acquisition system” that can be trusted
              to focus attention and select information that is relevant and trustworthy


              14
                Paul M. Sniderman, Richard A. Brody, and Philip E. Tetlock, Reasoning and Choice:
                Explorations in Political Psychology (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press,
                1991); Herbert A. Simon, Models of Man: Social and Rational (New York: Wiley,
                1957).
              15  Robert C. Luskin, “Explaining Political Sophistication,” in Richard G. Niemi and
                Herbert F. Weisberg, eds., Controversies in Voting Behavior, 3rd ed. (Washington, D.C.:
                CQ Press, 1993), pp. 114–136; Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Henry E.
                Brady, Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics, (Cambridge, Mass.:
                Harvard University Press, 1995); Raymond E. Wolfinger and Steven J. Rosenstone,
                Who Votes? (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980).
              16  AllanJ.CiglerandBurdettA.Loomis,eds.,InterestGroupPolitics,5thed.(Washington,
                D.C.: CQ Press, 1998); Rosenstone and Hansen, Mobilization, Participation, and
                Democracy in America; Jan Leighley, “Group Membership and the Mobilization of
                Political Participation,” Journal of Politics 58, no. 2 (1996): 447–463; Jeffrey M. Berry,
                The Interest Group Society (Boston: Little, Brown, 1984); Wolfinger and Rosenstone,
                Who Votes?

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