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94  David Chidester

             colonial administrators told indigenous people of the islands to work for
             wealth, they worked but did not get it. Second, when Christian missionaries
             told the people to pray for wealth, they prayed and did not get it. Though
             people sometimes found new ways to combine work and prayer by building
             piers, docks, and flagpoles and integrating indigenous and Christian ritual,
             the failure of work and prayer to produce the cargo left a third option: steal
             it (Chidester 2000: 515–16).
               This  truth  of  theft  is  a  recurring  theme  in  the  history  of  religion  and
             economy, from Prometheus stealing fire from the gods to the butter thief
             Krishna,  even  if  it  has  not  necessarily  been  underwritten  by  the  Marxist
             generalization  that  all  private  ownership  of  property  is  theft.  Electronic
             media,  however,  with  their  immediacy,  availability,  and  propensity  for
             personal engagements, place the ownership of sacred surplus in question and
             at stake. A popular guidebook for screenwriters and filmmakers, Stealing
             Fire from the Gods, explicitly invokes the truth of sacred theft in its title
             (Bonnet 1999). However, the problem of theft is more widespread and more
             profound in the economy of religion, media, and culture: who owns the
             sacred surplus?
               Third,  electronic  media  are  engaged  in  mediating  conflicts  over  the
             legitimate ownership of the sacred. As we saw in Destination Earth, this
             question  of  legitimacy  was  easily,  quickly  resolved  in  favor  of  private
             ownership  in  a  competitive  environment.  However,  this  principle  of
             legitimate  ownership  could  be  certified  only  by  eliminating  the  central
             symbol of opposition, Ogg the Magnificent. An undercurrent of violence,
             therefore,  runs  through  these  mediated  negotiations  of  legitimacy.
             However, the question of violence can also be easily, quickly resolved by
             distinguishing between us and them, by highlighting their illegitimate acts
             of violence, such as Ogg’s tyrannical rule, coercive manipulation of public
             opinion,  and  exploitation  of  his  people  as  slave  labor,  to  draw  a  stark
             contrast  between  their  violence  and  our  judicious  exercise  of  legitimate
             force  in  killing  the  tyrant,  liberating  the  oil,  and  freeing  the  people  to
             participate in a competitive economy based on private ownership.
               Modern media, from news media to entertainment media, are actively
             engaged  in  these  contestations  over  the  legitimate  ownership  of  sacred
             symbols. Drawing on the insight of literary theorist Kenneth Burke into the
             cultural process of stealing back and forth of symbols (Burke 1961: 328),
             we can enter into the economy of religion, media, and culture as an ongoing
             contest over the stealing back and forth of sacred symbols. Not only made
             meaningful through interpretation, sacred symbols are made powerful by
             ongoing acts of appropriation. However, no appropriation goes uncontested.
             Therefore, the field of religion, media, and culture is contested terrain, a
             conflictual  arena  in  which  competing  claims  on  the  ownership  of  sacred
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