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             practitioners of each faith. A great deal of recent scholarship in religious
             visual  culture  on  these  three  religions,  especially  Protestant  Christianity
             and Shi’ite Islam, has demonstrated an extensive and varied use of images
             and visual practices. So pervasive are images in religions, and so common
             is their denial by purists, that art historian David Freedberg has referred to
             the “myth of aniconism” (Freedberg 1989: 54). Many religionists insist that
             their faith is free of images but may do so only by turning a blind eye to the
             plethora of pictures crowding their altars or homes (Morgan 1998).
               Why the denial? To begin with Socrates, the problem with images and
             any  form  of  artistic  representation—poetry,  drama,  music,  or  the  visual
             arts—is that they project themselves deeply into the soul. This is a problem
             because the wrong sort of representations readily take seat there and exert
             a  powerful  influence  over  the  person.  “Imitations  practiced  from  youth
             become part of nature and settle into habits of gesture, voice, and thought,”
             Socrates  asserted,  and  argued  that  the  training  of  the  Greek  elite  should
             be strictly controlled in their imitation of dramatic roles. Those who were
             “self-controlled, pious, and free,” Socrates reasoned—that is, the Athenian
             upper crust—“mustn’t be clever at doing or imitating slavish or shameful
             actions, lest from enjoying the imitation, they come to enjoy the reality”
             (Plato 1992: 71–2).
               It may seem puritanical at first glance, but parents, religious organizations,
             and Congress members commonly make the same point about the effect of
             portrayals of violence and sex in television programming, films, and video
             games. For example, in a policy statement of 1993, the National Council of
             Churches flatly asserted that film and television


               increase  an  appetite  and  tolerance  for  entertainment  with  a  violent
               content, since the more violence an audience sees, the more violence it
               will want. This appetite for violence entails an increased callousness to
               people who may be hurting or in need.
                                                               (NCC 1993: 10)

               A 1999 Senate Committee report on “Children, Violence, and the Media,”
             prepared “for parents and policy makers,” echoed the belief, claiming that
             it  “identifies  and  begins  to  redress  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  youth
             violence: media violence” (Senate 1999: 1). The report attributed violence in
             media as “a principal cause” of youth violence, citing studies which showed
             that eighty-seven percent of American households included more than one
             television set, that almost half of American children have televisions in their
             bedrooms, and that more than eighty-eight percent of homes with children
             “have home video game equipment, a personal computer, or both” (Senate
             1999: 2). Socrates would have agreed with the report’s lament that media
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