Page 111 - Literacy in the New Media Age
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100 LITERACY IN THE NEW MEDIA AGE

            This is precisely one of the central interests in texts of many people, whatever
            their  professional  or  non-professional  involvement  with  text  of  any  kind  –
            literary or televisual, popular or high cultural. The focus here concerns where we
            look  and  what  we  are  looking  at.  The  previous  focus  on  text,  historically,  and
            one which is still that of common sense, was the interest more on what above I
            called ‘the issues’, the discursive aspects of text. In this new focus that interest
            remains, but now there is equal focus on how the social world is present in the
            very structure of the text.
              To  state  this  once  more:  both  the  ‘Swimming  Club  Rules’  and  the  ‘Toyota
            Law’  text  focus  on  a  prohibition  on  action.  The  most  usual  way  to  do  this,  in
            most  instances,  is  to  use  a  negation:  ‘no  smoking’  (or  ‘we  thank  you  for  not
            smoking’); ‘please do not pick the flowers’ and so on. In the Swimming Club Rules
            there  are  just  three  instances  of  negation:  ‘no  outside  shoes  will  be  worn’,  ‘no
            more  than  twenty-four  bodies’,  and  perhaps  the  ‘embedded’  negative  in
            ‘untrained  children’  (children  who  are  not  (yet)  trained).  By  contrast,  in  the
            ‘Toyota Law’ text (‘Toyota Law’ because Toyota land-cruisers are the vehicles
            used  as  ambulances  in  this  community),  every  one  of  the  eleven  rules  uses  a
            direct negative, with the exception of rule 3. What does this mean? Does it mean,
            simply, that there are more negations, and that there are more prohibitions to be
            made in the case of ‘Toyota Law’? Hardly: every rule in the ‘Swimming Club’
            text constitutes a prohibition, and has (or is) a (deeply) buried negation. ‘Parents
            must accompany …’ is ‘parents must not leave children unsupervised’; ‘Being
            absent for more than three consecutive sessions means expulsion’ is ‘do not miss
            more than three consecutive sessions’. The verb ‘mean’ is used twice, tellingly:
            if you are told the meaning of something, then this is not simply to enrich your
            semantic repertoire (‘“Liebe” means “love”’), nor is it simply an instruction (‘if
            you want to mean “Liebe”, then in English use “love”’); it is a prohibition (‘if
            “Liebe” means “love”, then do not use “affection” in your translation’).
              The texts project different social worlds; but that difference is not about more
            or  less  prohibition,  it  is  about  how  members  of  two  distinct  social  groups  are
            socialised into prohibition and how prohibition is handled in these two worlds. One
            says  that  you  provide  ‘meanings’,  which  are  so  entirely  internalised  by  all
            members of that group that no one will act outside of these meanings, and all of
            us know that we can rely on that. Prohibition has become invisible. This is one
            social implication of ‘shared meanings’. The other says that if you want things
            done or not done, you say so, overtly; meanings are not internalised or at least
            you cannot rely on the internalisation of meanings by all members of the group.
            Prohibition is out there, for all to see. There are social implications both for the
            presence and for the absence of ‘shared meanings’. The point is not to make value
            judgements on these worlds; the real problems of each are easy enough to see. My
            point is rather to show how generic organisation – realised in linguistic form –
            provides another, a powerful, way of ‘reading’ the meanings of the social worlds
            projected by these three texts.
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