Page 40 - Living Room Wars Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
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On the politics of empirical audience research      31
        some of the implications of this perspective on doing ‘critical’ research for an evaluation
        of the current developments in audience studies as I indicated above.
           More concretely, what I will discuss and try to elaborate in this chapter is what I take
        as the political and theoretical specificity of the cultural studies approach as a ‘critical’
        perspective, from which  David  Morley,  coming from the Birmingham Centre for
        Contemporary Cultural Studies, has developed his work (see Hall et al. 1980; Streeter
        1984; Fiske 1987b). I will set this perspective on audience studies  against  some
        developments in and around the uses and gratifications approach, where an interest in
        ‘ethnographic’ methods has been growing recently. In doing this I will not be able to
        discuss the wide range of concrete studies that have been made in this area. Rather I will
        restrict myself, somewhat schematically and all too briefly, to the more programmatic
        statements  and proposals pertaining to the identity and the future development of the
        field, and evaluate them in the light of what I see as important for a critical  cultural
        studies approach. Furthermore, it is not my intention to construct an absolute antagonism
        between the two approaches. Rather, I would like to highlight some of the differences in
        preoccupation and perspective, in order to specify how ethnographic or ethnographically
        oriented studies of media audiences can contribute to a ‘critical’ approach in the sense I
        have outlined. Before doing this, I will first give a short sketch of the intellectual arena in
        which Morley intervened.


                   THE PROBLEM OF THE DISAPPEARING AUDIENCE

        The ‘Nationwide’ Audience appeared at a time when critical discourse about film and
        television in Britain was heavily preoccupied with what Morley (1980a:161), following
        Steve Neale, calls an ‘abstract text/subject relationship’, formulated within a generally
        (post) structuralist and psycho-analytic theoretical framework. In this discourse, primarily
        developed in the journal Screen, film and television spectatorship is almost exclusively
        theorized from the perspective of the ‘productivity of the text’. As a consequence, the
        role of the viewer was conceived in purely formalist terms: as a position inscribed in the
        text. Here, the subject-in-the-text tends to collapse  with ‘real’ social subjects. In this
        model, there is no space for a dialogical relationship between texts and social subjects.
        Texts  are  assumed  to be the only source of  meaning; they construct subject positions
        which viewers are bound to take up if they are to make sense of the text. In other words,
        the reading of texts is conceived in ‘Screen theory’ as entirely dictated  by  textual
        structures.
           It is this model’s textual  determinism  that fuelled Morley’s dissatisfaction.
        Theoretically, it implied an ahistorical, asocial and generalist conception of film and TV
        spectatorship. Methodologically, the analysis of textual structures alone was considered
        to be sufficient to comprehend how viewers are implicated in the texts they encounter.
        Politically, this model left no room for manoeuvre for television viewers. They  are
        implicitly conceived as ‘prisoners’ of the text. It was against this background that Morley
        decided to undertake an empirical investigation of how groups of viewers with different
        social  positions read or interpret one particular text: an episode of the British TV
        magazine programme Nationwide. One of the most important motivations of Morley’s
        intervention, then, was to overcome the textualism of Screen theory’s discourse, in which
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