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The battle between television and its audiences      27
        connection with and expressing popular structures of feeling’ (1983:76). What has made
        debates about commercial television (or about public service television using the methods
        of commercial thinking, as is increasingly the case in the Netherlands) so obscure is the
        conflation of commercialism as an economic  principle of production, which  is  utterly
        capitalist, with commercialism as  a  cultural principle of producing goods for
        consumption, which certainly has connections with the popular. The  success  of  the
        commercial logic lies in the fact that  it takes the pleasure of  consumption  and
        consumption for pleasure seriously, in the fact that it actively engages in the construction
        of what is pleasurable, and the fact that  it  has  used the pleasurable as a structuring
        principle for addressing viewers.


                                     CONCLUSION

        Ellis’s basic proposition that television’s aesthetic forms can be explained  by  the
        necessity to come to terms with the familial, domestic conditions within which television
        is watched should now be given some nuance. After all, that domestic setting itself is not
        given. When it comes to constructing the meaning of watching television, it is part of the
        problem. It is this very  domestic  setting  which was seen by some as an excellent
        opportunity to integrate people’s personal lives into the official life of the nation; in short,
        to continue to educate them even when they are at home. As one Dutch scholar wrote:

              Exactly because television reaches man [sic] when he is on his own or is
              to be found in the smallest social unit, the family, it is worth the trouble
              […] to use the medium to drive a  wedge between the often  collective
              prejudices which impede a healthy  development of the (national)
              community.
                                                      (Schaafsma 1965:19–20)

        However, because in our culture  the  home  is often felt to be a ‘haven in a heartless
        world’, watching television is mostly experienced and cherished as one of those activities
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        in which one is one’s own master or mistress,  and it is thus perfectly understandable why
        so many viewers resist being made to use television as an extension of the classroom.
           Thus, in a formal sense, it is correct to say that television’s rhetoric is aimed at holding
        the  viewer’s attention by modes of direct  address, by dividing programmes into short
        segments, by using sound to catch the gaze, and so on. But  underlying  these  formal
        discursive strategies are ideological principles which can be traced back to a continuing
        struggle over the meaning of watching television as a cultural practice, a struggle which,
        at least in the case of Dutch television, is constructed as a struggle between television-as-
        education and television-as-pleasure. In televisual discourse, this struggle is expressed in
        a continual attempt to secure heterogeneity by combining the two constructed options.
        Thus, almost every news and current affairs programme is structured in such a way as to
        find a compromise between the ‘educative’ and the ‘pleasurable’: the light popular tone,
        the magazine format with ‘difficult’ items sandwiched between more ‘frivolous’ ones, the
        populist stance from which events are represented, etc. However, these developments can
        merely be seen as attempts to make a pedagogic ideology work in front of an ‘unwilling’
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